Fear of the Public

AIM Zagreb, June 26, 2001

Croatian news media recently began asking whether Croatian Prime Minister Ivica Racan's cabinet is being overwhelmed by fear of the public. The question was prompted by a series of moves that could have hardly been expected from a democratic government. The last straw was Racan's cancelling of a scheduled appearance on Croatian state TV, that is, the reason prompting the "hardline" part of the government to reject participation despite earlier promises. It was displeased with the fact that journalists critical of the government were also invited.

By refusing to face potentially unpleasant questions, the ruling group showed its insecurity and enormous fear of criticism. The official explanation was even worse: Racan said that he and the government are free to choose who they will talk to. In other words, he did not deny there were journalists he would not talk to, but he claimed he had every right to do so.

The prime minister obviously prefers to sit in Parliament, responding, on camera, to questions cooked up in advance by his fellow partisans. Several days ago for example, they asked him how he would explain the fact that his government was praised abroad and criticized at home, which he of course took advantage of for shameless self-promotion. The prime minister also prefers somewhat secretive encounters with carefully selected reporters, in the fashion of the former ruler.

Recently, for example, he summoned all newspaper editors, save for a few, and asked them to show discretion, trying to make them part of a rather dark practice. It is interesting to note that the newspapers and reporters that were not on the prime minister's list were the same ones considered unsuitable by the Tudjman regime. Behind closed doors the prime minister elaborated on the need to attaining national consensus. The guests were left guessing about the purpose of this consensus, however.

It appears that Racan plans to build national unity in a fashion similar to the manner in which the Declaration on the War for the Fatherland was pushed through Parliament, and in which the claim that Croatia did not participate in aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina -- which is completely untrue -- is being upheld as the official version of the truth. Apparently, the ruling group does not perceive general consensus as the rallying of the nation around a program, but as the ability to force uniform views upon Croatia. The government, which has demonstrated great skill in repelling potential allies, views national unity as the absence of any dissonant thought. National consensus is but another name for stifling all criticism.

There were plenty of chances to see that the prime minister does not like critics. He believes that the government is doing well, even extremely well, but that news of that simply fails to reach the public. Racan believes that his cabinet is more beautiful, better and more successful than its reflection in the media, meaning that he views himself as a victim of distorted mirror image. Which is to say that journalists, and not the government, are to be blamed for its increasingly poor reputation. This is why he pays great attention to his PR officials, but to no avail. It is true that the government as a whole is rather clumsy in its public relations. This is particularly true of a number of Racan's closest collaborators, who are skilled in making the most irritating statements and are their own worst enemies. But the government's main problem is the fact that it has failed in achieving what was expected of it -- economic and social consolidation.

The government's refusal to participate in the TV show opposite journalists ready to ask unpleasant questions cannot be viewed only as an attempt to avoid answering them. It should be primarily seen as a sign that the ruling group has problems with democratic standards. Namely, strongly supporting his chief partner Drazen Budisa's views on the rightists' appreciation of the streets and the leftists' appreciation of the institutions, Racan presented his, if nothing else, rather confusing platform on his attitude towards those who do not agree with him.

He said that the rightists "are not as dangerous for Croatia," that by doing so "the radical right is only stabilizing Croatia because it is unifying the people against such options: the more brutal the rightists, the more they repel people." Local elections have shown, however, that it is not exactly so. Street marches by extremists can in no way have a stabilizing effect. Racan's conviction that the rightists' onslaught could even stabilize his government, meaning that the public, out of fear of the marches, would be delighted even with his feeble government, also turned out not to be true.

While presenting the rightists as his secret ally, for the "very active radical leftists," as he put it, Racan could not find a word of understanding. He sees the Left as disastrous! What is particularly interesting is where Racan sees this leftist radicalism. Racan said that these are "individuals and groups who wish to impose their political will through news media, who are displeased with everything, who wish to be political messiahs and who criticize the government."

In other words, the prime minister views journalists and intellectuals active in the media as the "very active radical left." In other countries, these people would hardly be seen as liberals, maybe they would at best be considered socialists. Racan, of course, knows that quite well, but as opposed to what he did over the rightists' protests -- or absolutely nothing -- he is using the stigma of "leftist radicalism" to silence critics of his policies and his government's attitude. Probably because he knows that they sound convincing.

The government and its leading officials have made several moves against the media in contradiction of all democratic rules. That could be perceived as a sign of their nervousness, because things are not going as planned, and the end of the economic and social crisis is not in sight. Such moves can also be understood as a tendency to resort to stricter measures in unpleasant and serious conditions. Among others, media outlets should, on behalf of the public, keep the government in check, bring up issues, and criticize. The current Croatian government cannot change that, but can certainly reveal its true nature in such a context. And it is being increasingly accused of practicing a "soft" from of Tudjmanism.

Jelena Lovric

(AIM)