Two Years Later - Albanians and Serbs on Opposite Sides!
AIM Pristina, June 19, 2001
Two years after the arrival of KFOR and the establishment of international administration (UNMIK), major changes have happened in Kosovo. However, there is even more to be done. Both the local officials, as well as international ones have been aware for some time that there are things that should have been already done, but were not, especially in the sphere of economy and security. They do not hide that that the main obstacle to action were and still are dilemmas and quandaries of political and diplomatic character. The limit to which UNMIK, as an international administration, can act without threatening Yugoslavia's sovereignty over Kosovo (as defined by the UN Security Council resolution 1244) has not been definitely clarified.
That is why this Resolution clearly explains what has been done and what remains to be done. This document covers everything: the successes, failures, omissions, lack of professionalism, etc. The additional burden are the dilemmas, attitudes and political stands of great powers, which are expressed through their representatives working in Kosovo. It seems that there is no chance for these obstacles to be removed before the definite status of Kosovo is determined.
The situation is neither all white nor all black, but there is an impression that darker colour prevail. Such an impression is primarily created by ambiguities regarding economic development prospects, bad inter-ethnic relations (especially between the Albanians and Serbia), a sort of chaos in the legal system, non-functioning of the prosecution authorities and courts and, generally speaking, failed efforts at fighting the crime and controlling its organised forms. Very little is publicly said about great survival problems of the major part of the population. But, that is just one side of life, the public one. On the other, the real one, is a horrible struggle for bare survival.
On this second anniversary, the UNMIK officials would much rather speak about their successes with the re-establishment of basic functions of the society. First, they would mention the return of several hundred thousands of Albanians to their homes, revival of services such as education, health care, utility services, including power supply where major investments have been made, reconstruction or construction of the greater part of road network and bridges, as well as dozen thousand houses, schools, infirmaries. They would also mention enormous funds that have been invested in the revitalisation of agriculture, in the stimulation of small and medium-size enterprises, as well as equipping and modernisation of numerous services for the reform of education and University instruction.
As far as politics is concerned, major achievements according to the international officials here were the establishment of joint administrative authorities with local political representatives in late 1999, last year's local elections, creating ways for the modern organisation of the media and creating support for the development of civil society, as well as the adoption of Constitutional frameworks and scheduling parliamentary elections for November 17, this year.
Representatives of the international community would disagree with claims that the situation regarding security and fight against crime is bad. They use statistical data to prove that the incidence of some of the most serious forms of crime has been reduced. Figures speak of improvements, but the people do not feel any less insecure. Even greater insecurity is created by the fact that although they are prosecuted, criminals are not being brought to justice. This is particularly true of criminals from the organised crime circles. Although there are still sporadic criminal offences committed by individuals or smaller groups, there is an impression that crime is becoming more organised and rational every day. In its attempts to avoid resorting to brutal violence it is taking advantage of great gaps in the existing legal system so as to permeate all segments of everyday life. There are even gaps which make it impossible to clearly differentiate between legal trade on the one side and smuggling, illegal trade, abuse and crime on the other.
The only field in which the exponents of the international authorities would admit to have failed is the security of ethnic communities, especially the Serbs. Although the enthusiasm and cordiality in the relations between those "liberated" and the "liberators" is long gone, it seems that both still harbour illusions about the possibility of achieving quick success in the resolution of Kosovo problems. That means that the process of awakening about what is possible and what is not, is not over yet. For example, the international representatives still expect inter-ethnic relations, especially the Albanian-Serbian ones, to calm down in a year or two which would lead to their full normalisation.
However, the Albanian-Serbian relations and misunderstandings are deeply rooted in the far past. Bearing in mind what happened in the last 20 years and even further back, it should surprise no one that no progress has been achieved in the relations between these two nations. There is no war, but disposition to war has not been dispersed nor has the possibility of new war confrontations erased from their minds. The complex of Albanian-Serbian relations in the post-war period should be also observed from this aspect. From the Serbian angle it is the problem of enclaves, lack of the freedom of movement, fear of returning to Kosovo, inability to participate in the next parliamentary elections.
Both Albanians and Serbs are most dedicated to the fulfilment of their totally opposed national aspirations. This activity gives the main tones to their mutual relations and greatly narrows the space for working towards pacifying the situation, let alone achieving some compromise. The acute Serbian problems do not only result from the lack of security and possibility of Albanian revenge, but also from their political stands regarding the definite status of Kosovo. The Kosovo Serbs and Belgrade politics do not hide that concentrating Serbs at certain locations, which they consider their territory, is a part of a strategy aimed at keeping Kosovo under Belgrade's rule or, in case that fails, annexing its parts to Serbia.
The economy is a field in which experts could most convincingly show that the international administration has failed. Kosovo lacks both a strategy as well as programmes of development and, according to present trends it will not have them during the entire interim period. The economy doesn't tolerate acting on a case-to-case or from-one-day-to-the-next basis. At a panel held on Kosovo two years after the war, the Chief of the American Office in Pristina, Christopher Dell warned all Kosovars, especially the Albanians, that Kosovo would see no investments and foreign private capital until it regulates its inter-ethnic relations, efficient legal system and establishes clear relations in the economy, and especially until it is determined who has the control over the Kosovo economy today.
The warning was sent to the citizens of Kosovo who would want to see some progress in this respect, but very little is up to them. Both the Albanians and their representatives are responsible for many negative trends in the sphere of inter-ethnic relations. However, it is not up to them how will economic relations be regulated or why privatisation is not carried out, why has not the legal system been completed or the courts are not functioning, nor can they help restore the feeling of security of citizens. From the economic point of view, it is impossible to explain why is UNMIK still insisting on partial and unproven privatisation method, such as leasing, when after one year of its implementation it is perfectly clear that in the economic sector leasing has totally failed as a policy. In this highly unclear situation, the main struggle in the economic sphere is limited to the securing of funds for the budget. Business people and Kosovo economic experts think that fiscal policy is not in the least stimulating for the development of production.
Under such circumstance, there can be no mention of the social care policy, not even for those who need the irreplaceable assistance of society. The most frequent estimates is that the unemployment level is around 70 percent. Some 100 thousand pensioners have not received pensions for years. Both groups are left at the mercy of fate without any hope that their problems will be resolved in foreseeable future. As far as prices are concerned, Kosovo has been Europe for some time. The fate of those working in private sector is also highly uncertain as there are no laws to protect them. In Kosovo no one pays social insurance for the employed. A large share of labour active population has no other choice but to engage in smuggling or similar illegal activities. However, they are not the only ones doing it.
AIM Pristina
Fehim REXHEPI