Deserters and Volunteers

As in other conflicts in former Yugoslavia, spring clashes between the Macedonian security forces and the insurgents of the National Liberation Army (NLA) raised the question of "deserters " and " volunteers ", the question itself embodying all the anxieties and nightmares of the Balkan bloodshed of the past decade

AIM Skopje, May 20, 2001

At the beginning of the week, Skopje Dnevnik, a daily aspiring to have the utmost authority and to being the most objective and best informed newspaper in Macedonia, ran as a highly exclusive and prime-rate news the information that fifteen ethnic Albanian policeman had abandoned their posts in the police station in the village of Matejce in the crisis of Kumanovo region and taken along the automatic weapons they had been entrusted with. The said information left no doubt as to the reliability of the fact that the policemen had carried off the weaponry. With somewhat less certainty, quoting unofficial intelligence sources, the Skopje journal claimed that several of the men had joined the insurgent National Liberation Army (NLA). Two days later, came a fax addressed to the editorial board of Dnevnik, sent by nine of the mentioned policemen, denying even the thought of desertion. This was followed by a poignant editorial published in the next edition of Dnevnik in which the authors of the fax were told that the sole convincing denial of the controversial information would have been their presence at their place of employment at the disputed time. For now, the statement of the spokesman of the Ministry of the Interior that there were no cases of desertion among police ranks is to be viewed as the epilogue to the whole affair...

No matter what, this was the first instance of media in Macedonia leading the public to the conclusion that ethnic Albanians lack loyalty to their Macedonian homeland. In his first public address, the recently appointed Defence Minister Vlado Buckovski, in an answer to speculations concerning instances of ethnic Albanians fleeing army ranks, stated that "the phenomenon, in spite of speculation, is not nearly as widespread as the advocates of the propaganda war would have it."

But, allusions pointing to the contrary have been present in the public since the very outbreak of fighting between the Macedonian forces and the NLA on the slopes above Tetovo.

Officials of the security forces exhibit considerable caution in dealing with data concerning Albanians deserting the army and the police. In fact, high-ranking security officials have on several occasions pointed out that they have had no problems with ethnic Albanians. Nevertheless, the media - ill disposed towards the up to recently ruling coalition - stuck to the contrary claiming that during the entire Tetovo operation armed Albanians had a " mole " among the security forces and that, upon being informed of its movements, they ambushed a patrol near the village of Vejce killing eight soldiers and policemen; the NLA, it was also said, had informants among the army and police in the crisis Kumanovo region, in connection with which some activists of the coalition Democratic Party of Albanians were named...

Foreign analysts with a more delicate approach to the problem remark that young Albanians belonging to the security forces, similarly to their peers on previous battlefields all over former Yugoslavia, face a painful dilemma: to fight or not to fight against their fellowmen or, to put it somewhat more pathetically, against those of their own blood who, instead of resorting to political means, have taken up arms in order to achieve the political goals of their people. While being members of the security forces, these young men are also potential voters of parties belonging to the so-called "ethnic Albanian block" and as such they have not heard a single word coming from any of their political leaders in support of the campaign the army and the police have carried out in the field. Quite to the contrary. What they could hear were opinions that, for instance, Macedonian security forces have employed inappropriate force, that civilians were exposed to unwarranted violence and a number of confusing assessments concerning the true nature of NLA.

In the meantime, during the past two months, top governmental officials have repeatedly revealed abrupt changes of mind, stressing the need for mutual understanding among ethnic communities at one point, only to point out the need for a relentless crackdown on the extremists in the next moment. More than once, the duty of defending one's homeland was called upon. In this respect, the statement uttered by Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski during the dramatic meeting of the Macedonian government two weeks ago that Albanians will be expected to "demonstrate their loyalty to the country they live in", reminded many of similar requests dating back to the beginning of the nineties, at the onset of the bloody Balkan wars. Luckily, partly owing to the efforts of Javier Solana, it now seems events have taken a different course and the ominous remark of the Prime Minister is at present being viewed by the Albanian community merely as a further example of the communal state of mind of the ethnic Macedonians.

When the solution to the crisis is concerned, the party headed by Ljubco Georgievski, VMRO-DPMNE, judging by the agitated public appearances of its leading figures, leads the way for all harboring doubts concerning the cooperation of ethnic Albanians belonging to the security forces. >From time to time, independent newspapers hint at the existence of volunteer units, for the most part made up of Macedonians, willing and ready to join the regular security forces. It just so happens, the patronage over these volunteer units is often ascribed to the very party Georgievski heads and certain police circles. Taking in earnest advice coming from western diplomats, the media close to the government have, for now, restrained from any mention of either Albanian deserters or Macedonian volunteers, realizing this could lead to the further deepening of the ethnic polarization. If that ever came to pass, it might turn out that the civil war is just around the corner.

Surprisingly or not, the contrary story launched by the government controlled media, the one claiming Albanians were deserting the ranks of NLA on a large scale, was - to put it mildly - received with great reserve in the general public.

The West, in this instance represented by the OSCE and the EU, insists on assessing all relevant aspects of the given situation. According to reports published in the local press, if the estimates of western analysts are correct, ethnic Albanians representing 23 per cent of the overall population, constitute but a fourth of the eight thousand strong Macedonian police force. According to the same sources, the situation in the army is somewhat different. It is claimed Albanians constitute up to 40 per cent of the acting military cadre. Cautious western diplomats insist on a solution taking in account the willingness of all citizens to defend their motherland, regardless of ethnic origin. Up to the present, recommendations coming from the OSCE suggest that, if it is to be fully integrated into the Euro-Atlantic structures, Macedonia needs to do more regarding better representation of its ethnic minorities. As far as can be deduced, the government is becoming more indulgent concerning greater equality in its administration, education and the media. The army and the police are yet to wait for their turn to come. In its weekend edition, a Skopje newspaper ran the information that the international community will pay for the instruction of new Albanian policemen. As always when the issue of ( not )engaging ethnic Albanians is raised, the very same article argued that no one prevents Albanians from finding employment, their alleged indifference resulting from their "animosity towards the authorities".

The defense and stability of the country and just representation of citizens of all nationalities have been left out of talks the president of the republic has, with varied success, held with the leading figures of Macedonian political parties. To be true, in one of his addresses to the public, while expounding the agenda of the political dialogue, president Trajkovski did mention the need "for strengthening civic loyalty towards the authorities". What exactly he meant by that, he did not say...

Some local intellectuals believe matters should have been dealt with much earlier. At this point, they say, it is rather late for such considerations.

Zeljko Bajic

(AIM)