Serbian Sexual Scandal

Touching Forbidden

Vuk Obradovic, deputy prime minister in charge of the struggle against corruption, was accused of sexual harassment of women from his party and those employed in the government of Serbia. The scandal overshadowed the reception of FRY in the World bank, Kostunica's visit to the United States in the capacity o the statesman of the year, and even the shocking discovery of evidence that Serb crimes in Kosovo and Metohija had been concealed

AIM Belgrade, May 11, 2001

Now it has turned out that "everybody knew" about the weakness of Vuk Obradovic towards the weaker sex, that he had once chased a certain middle-aged lady around a table, that editors of certain independent media used to warn him about his behavior towards their women journalists and associates, as well as his partners in power about his attitude towards women employees... In the evening on Sunday, May 5, the scandal came out in the open after an informal warning of the leaders of Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) that matters should be settled with Obradovic or else his harassment of women journalists would be revealed to the public.

Deputy prime minister of Serbia, founder and president of Social Democracy, qualified the accusations for sexual harassment as a lie, a coup in the party of the rascals from within and subversion from without, organised by either those who could be affected by anti-corruption measures or by the state security service, or even Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic himself or Minister of the interior Dusan Mihajlovic. The injured party represented by Ljiljana Nestorovic who is also the spokeswoman of Social Democracy, accused Vuk Obradovic that by informing the public about the scandal he had broken the previous agreement to resolve the problem within the party by submitting his resignation.

In the following three days the events succeeded each other with lightning speed. On Monday May 6, 15 out of 22 members of the presidency of Social Democracy demanded Obradovic's resignation because of the most obscure sexual harassment of women associates in the government and members of the party", failure to keep his promise and disregarding the agreement on his resignation and "open threats to some members of the presidency and women who were abused". It was publicly stated that four alleged victims of Obradovic's sexual harassment had deposited written statements with lawyers. Only Ljiljana Nestorovic spoke in hers and their name, describing sexual abuse as "an aggressive assault of a person with lascivious nature for the purpose of becoming sexually intimate", such as catching by the hand and proposals "that our lips join". Nothing juicier was publicly mentioned, but that has not prevented the people to talk and retell "reliable" and "verified" information about cases of locked office doors, torn blouses, exhibitionist undertakings...

Disregarding the rebellious members of the leadership of Social Democracy, Vuk Obradovic convened a session of the Main Board on Tuesday. The gathering behind closed doors that lasted for several hours was preceded by letters and telegrams of support to the leader in the known and disgustingly recognisable manner of the former regime. That is why it was no surprise when the gathering of Obradovic's supporters turned into a verbal lynch of "the whores of the Security Service", ominous groups of various security officers were seen walking down corridor of Sava Centre and finally it all ended by throwing out of the rebellious members of the party.

Vuk Obradovic (53) became known to Yugoslav public in 1989 when he was nominated spokesman of the General Staff of the then Yugoslav People's Army (JNA). In the army - or at least its part which was concerned with the moral and political characteristics of its officers - he was known for his brilliant career and fastest promotion from one rank to the other which was completed when he became the youngest postwar general of JNA; the Belgraders who took part in 1968 demonstrations at the University remember him for the participation in the scandal in which director Lazar Stojanovic was directly from the place where he was doing his military service sent to prison for two years. Obradovic was promoted to the rank of general while he was in charge of the office of the head of General Staff Veljko Kadijevic, on December 22, 1991. In the beginning of May 1992, already at the head of the Department for Moral and Political Education, he promised to the parents that the recruits would be brought back from the battlefields in Croatia and B&H. Two weeks later, when he could not keep his promise, he submitted his resignation and instead of the general's uniform, he put on civilian clothes.

He reappeared on the public scene in 1997 when Social Democracy was founded as one of the numerous similar parties whose political platforms and profiles can be distinguished only by the names and the profiles of their leaders. At first it joined the League for Changes gathered for a short time around Milan Panic as its sponsor and financier; later the League without Panic gathered the opposition against Milosevic's regime, that same one that won the federal elections in September and then, incomparably more convincing victory in Serbia's parliamentary elections in December last year. In the division of seats, Social Democracy got two in the federal and six in the assembly of Serbia. Vuk Obradovic became one of the five deputy prime ministers of the Republican government charged with revelation of financial and property machinations and abuses at the time of Milosevic's regime, and Slobodan Orlic from his party became the federal minister of information.

The scandal with sexual harassment caused a whole series of accusations and counter-accusations. The rebellious and excommunicated part of the presidency expelled Obradovic from the party, one of its women members published data on the abuse she had experienced after the session of the Main Board, rumours speak of new cases of sexual harassment, criminal charges against Obradovic will be raised, it was announced, but also his against the rebels... On Wednesday, May 9, the board of the government of Serbia demanded, and according to the statement of Zoran Djindjic and minister of justice Vladan Batic, got the promise of Vuk Obradovic that he would submit his resignation to the post of the deputy prime minister in the course of the day. However, on that same day Obradovic asked for some time to think it over because "the party demanded from him not to resign".

In the meantime Bogoljub Karic denied that he had anything to do with the attempt to destroy Obradovic. The assumption on his participation was derived from the fact that "leaders of the rebels" Ljiljana Nestorovic, spokeswoman of Social Democracy, and Slobodan Orlic federal minister of information, used to be journalists of BK Telekom, Karic's television station. The well-informed still do not eliminate the possibility that Bogoljub Karic had his finger in the pie, not only because a few years ago he figured (appeared as a possible Serbia's presidential candidate and “silent” sponsor of the opposition – among other he was among the founders of Social Democracy in 1997 – but much more because of certain nervousness which is shaking all the local businessmen since the announced settling of accounts with the nouveaux riches was turned into a draft law which is already on the agenda of the assembly of Serbia and the implementation of which threatens with enormous financial contributions they will have to make and even give their wealth back. Vuk Obradovic was in charge of this job; his statements – on contacts with Karic, among other – did not hint that anybody would get a “discount”.

On the same grounds assumptions were derived that certain members of the government, even if they were in no way connected with the “sexual scandal”, had special reasons not to hush it up: many of them were also successfully involved in “business” during Milosevic's era. On the other hand, even those who believe that, if proved, sexual harassment is not a sufficient reason for the resignation or relieving Obradovic of duty, wonder and ask why it was hushed up so far. Allegedly it is a fact known to the government and Social Democracy for months, Obradovic was already warned about his behavior, “anecdotes” that are several years old have now come out... And finally, the cases of abuse did not involve some minors or uneducated women who would endure “slight” sexual harassment for the sake of party goals. Timing has always been extraordinarily important in the matters of politics and that is why it is quite justified to ask “why now?”

The result of the scandal is very complex. Obradovic expelled 15 rebellious members, established a new presidency of the party and announced that he would raise charges for slander. The trouble is that among the expelled are deputies of the federal and the republican assembly, even a federal minister. This fact brings the coalition in power, DOS, back into the game, the presidency of which would have to state its stand concerning the scandal and the status of Vuk Obradovic very soon. Formally the deputies expelled from Social Democracy were elected as candidates from the single joint list: rejection of Vuk Obradovic would be direct interference in internal party affairs if DOS intends to keep the “rebellious” deputies of Social Democracy who claim that they are its “true” representatives and who expelled Vuk Obradovic from it. Support to the “rebels”, on the other hand, would almost certainly mean that Obradovic's part of Social Democracy would step out of DOS, perhaps even found a new social democratic party and certainly contribute to broadening of the split in the ruling coalition which until now Nenad Canak, leader of the League of Social Democrats of Voivodina and the chairman of its assembly more or less one-handedly worked on. So it may happen that DOS will “crack” or at least be badly shaken by the quite unexpected “sexual” scandal instead of the expected, thousand times analysed and “certain” split between Vojislav Kostunica and Zoran Djindjic.

In the existing legislature sexual harassment is included in the concept of attacks against dignity of a person and the court practice, even in doubtless cases of rape and seduce is both mild and humiliating for the victims. When (and if) this Serbian version of the “Lowinsky scandal” goes to court, it will be just satisfaction that arrived too late for majority of its protagonists.

Aleksandar Ciric

(AIM)