Old Habits Die Hard
Albania:By Alqiviadh Koleka (Aim Tirana)
When in September 1998 sympathisers of the opposition took by storm institutions of the Albanian Government, they riddled with bullets the walls of Prime Minister's office. But, when the masses started towards the TV building (which was at that time state-controlled), it turned out that not a single bullet was fired at it because people cared. They were so eager to keep it that they even placed a large gun on top of the building. They also let the former employees, whom the then Government had fired earlier, enter the building and interview the rebel leaders. The political overthrow fell through when rebels, who kept the entire nation in the state of suspense for several hours threatening to kill some directors, left the building seven hours after they took it.
Had it not been for a small group of bold TV crews, which had their baptism with fire on that hectic day - ironically affirming themselves and their trade name on the troubles of their old opponents - the overthrow might have succeeded. Because for the majority of Albanians to work on television was the same as being in power, and private stations showed that the rebels were in a critical situation and insufficiently strong to take over power. On that day the Albanian state TV was saved even from its small opponents. After that it did very little to refute its notorious reputation (and status) of the official mouthpiece of politics and a public arena for politicians fighting for a position. Consequently, the state TV remained a hotbed of power, filled with prejudice against the opposition sympathisers. It remained a place in which one could get closest to the remnants of the old-fashioned showing off of politicians "burning for" their country or boasting of having done one thing or the other.
As during four decades under communism the Albanians got used to the fact that the official media were the voice of the communist party and, consequently, the voice of truth, the state television became the most powerful tool for keeping the masses under control. The first non-communist Government of Albania (from the ranks of the now opposition Democratic Party) fell in love with the described concept and during its five-year rule approved of the fact that political stories and news of the state television were practically written in the press service of the Albanian President, Sali Berisha. The chief hosts of individual shows did little to deny their sympathies for the Government. Reporting about the opposition was equal to historic revolution.
In early nineties, "The Government is good, the opposition bad" became a set mantra of the state TV, also accompanied by a total censorship of the opposition's activities and constant reporting on all activities of state officials and directors from the ruling party. In a country in which only something over 40 percent of the population has access to newspapers, the power of television is impressive. It went so far as to help convince the people to invest their savings in the pyramid investment scheme, which went bankrupt leaving hundreds of people penniless. And they invested their money foolishly just because they saw on TV News Government officials in the company of managers of the mentioned pyramids, as well as the European Beauty Contest, which was organised in Tirana, and sponsored by those same pyramids.
The collapse of the financial pyramids caused anarchy all over Albania and the fall of the Democratic Party from power. Ironically, one of the last laws its legislators adopted was the one approving the work of private TV stations, which they refused to do during five preceding years. The adoption of this bill marked a new era for the electronic media in Albania; radio and TV stations cropped up like mushrooms after the rain and although none had technical facilities of the state giant, they all certainly had more energy and desire to succeed.
Transformation of the state TV into public one didn't change anything, apart from giving the management method a semblance of respectability. The change of style the new leaders brought was reflected in the fact that they no longer dominated TV screens, like Mr.Berisha used to. That did not mean that they were no longer prisoners of the political mentality, which sees TV as its own electronic feud and expects journalists to cover every event in which they take part. Quite contrary, everything remained the same in that respect so that whenever television reported on some event the focus was on some Government member who attended this or that ceremony.
That was paid dearly when the assessment of the news was concerned. When the majority of foreign mass media rushed to the border to film the Albanian refugees from Kosovo fleeing from the violence of the Serbian security forces, the Albanian TV was forced to beg foreign crews for reports.
Some badly paid crews tried to take advantage of the practice from the last Government elections - to demand payment for shooting and reporting on the activities of political parties. If the published reports of dissatisfied workers can be trusted, they did the same thing as their bosses used to do, but on a smaller scale - fulfilled the wishes of those who wanted to see themselves on TV screens.
In other words, the fact that the television had become public somehow helped it get cured from its old habit of ignoring the opposition, although reporting on the opposition's activities is reduced to mere reproduction of someone's statement and is totally devoid of all zeal of true reporting. Consequently, the morning distribution of reporters' assignments is done according to the principle "such and such called about that and that" and not according to "what's new".
However, in contrast to the previous management, this one is trying to show even news which cast a lurid light on the Government, such as hunger strikes, opposition protests and electricity shortage, although in reporting on these events it takes care to show its partiality for the Government, as well as to emphasise that Government officials are always at the disposal to explain one thing or another. The state television paid for reporters' attempts to cover-up the real events with the loss of viewers, who by simply pressing a button of their TV remote controls switched to more interesting news on rival private channels. Their newscasters try to establish a better eye contact with viewers and attract their attention, while those on public TV hardly take their eyes off the paper in front of them. That is why private TV channels seem like "a new group of boys in town" resolved to discover new reports on that which troubles this impoverished Balkan country, while public television is not able to even see what is written on the walls as it is still proudly paying lip service to the regime.
No one, including the viewers has ever reminded it of the fact that the public TV is financed by tax payers money, not even when television became the subject of ridicule while reporting on the long-standing feud between its Director General (an intellectual who is not a party member) and his Deputy (a loyal member of the ruling Social-Democratic Party). This quarrel poisoned the working atmosphere and divided the reporters into two camps. The losers were either fired or subtly convinced that they should leave.
Attracted by better wages, better prospects of a more interesting position and following an instinct that they were saving themselves by jumping off a sinking ship, some reporters abandoned the public television for a better job in private stations, while others discovered that there were other kinds of TV careers.
Apart from protests because of its unusual approach used in reports from the latest elections, nothing happened on the public TV that was so spectacular as the slandering of some of its former reporters in September 1998. That was supposed to be a turning point that should have introduced a new way of thinking, although the rebels - also tax payers - made it clear that they had unsettled accounts with the TV. One could hardly blame them. Albania needs someone like Vaclav Havel - the Czechs can at least express support to those who are protesting against the Director for his connections with political parties.
As far as Albania is concerned, it only had party sympathisers who took turns at the helm of public television just as their parties changed in power. But for how long?