The Conflict in Macedonia from Kosovo's Perspective

AIM Pristina, March 19, 2001

Kossovars know what war is all about and would not like other people to live through it, especially not their fellow Albanians wherever they might live. This is why the Albanian public in Kosovo is greatly concerned over the clashes that erupted in Macedonia, and especially their possible spreading. Frequent opinion polls conducted by Kosovo news media among ordinary people, politicians and representatives of political parties, show that they are in favor of seeking a political resolution to all open questions. In all cases they recall that Kosovo and its people live today with the grave consequences of war and will continue to do so who knows for how long. Still, between ordinary people and politicians there are slight differences. Although they prefer peaceful means, Kosovo Albanians believe that their fellow countrymen in Macedonia have the right to not be discriminated against because of their ethnic origin.

On the other hand, simultaneously with showing understanding for their demands, including the right to be recognized as a constituent people, both politicians and the common men clearly criticize the use of arms in resolving problems. In the past several weeks, however, Kosovo's parties and politicians have diverged from the earlier Albanian positions, and this could have a long-range effect on disentangling smaller and bigger Balkan knots. Maybe for the first time in their history, the main Kosovo Albanian political forces, which enjoy the backing of almost all voters, have clearly and unambiguously spoken in favor of Macedonia as an independent state and its integrity inside the existing borders. They also say that Macedonia, as it is today, is a factor of stability in this part of the Balkans. This is why they recommend that ethnic Albanians in Macedonia do everything in their power to resolve all their grievances peacefully and through the institutions of that country.

The fact that there is a consensus among the most influential ethnic Albanian parties and leaders over the question of Macedonia's independence is even of a greater importance. The strongest political forces in Albania, both those in power and in the opposition, as well as the ethnic Albanian parties in Macedonia, reiterated their views on this country's independence. It is important to note that amidst the great disturbances Macedonia is currently experiencing, even the leadership of the National Liberation Army (KLA-NLA), which is spearheading the armed resistance, spoke in favor of Macedonia's independence and territorial integrity. Their statements were clear. This fact shows that the current conflict in Macedonia is not aimed at occupying certain parts of that country or their secession. It is also important to stress that demands recently made by the NLA command and explained as the cause of the armed rebellion, are not new to politicians and the public in Macedonia.

These demands are identical or similar to the ones ethnic Albanian parties made 10 years ago in Macedonia's institutions, when the country gained its independence.

Disputes that arose among various Albanian political forces over the issue of Macedonia's federalization do not seem that important as to possibly cause any major intra-Albanian divisions. Although there are advocates of federalization among them, ethnic Albanian parties in Macedonia have not brought up the issue in any official requests. As far as it is known, only the National Democratic Party, formed several weeks ago as the fourth ethnic Albanian party in Macedonia, has federalizing the country as part of its platform. Representatives of armed groups do not mention federalization among their demands. This is why ethnic Albanians' demands in Macedonia that the country's constitution be amended should not be understood as aspiring for federalization. They should instead be seen as efforts to attain equality with Macedonians, that is, to be granted the status of constituent people, and among ethnic Albanians they are considered just. Several days ago, the Albanian Democratic Party of Arben Xhaferi came forth with its reasons against federalization. So far the only one to openly speak out against federalization was the president of the Democratic Party of Kosovo, Hashim Thaci. In fact, this issue has not been discussed by Kosovo Albanian parties at all, and they clearly said that they will back the view that prevails among ethnic Albanians in Macedonia.

Before the war almost the entire Albanian illegal movement in Kosovo, which brought together many ethnic Albanians from other parts of the former Yugoslavia, had as part of its program a demand for the unification of all areas in which Albanians account for a majority population into a single state. For a proper insight into the development of crucial political stands it is important to stress that this movement prepared and led the armed resistance against Serb rule in Kosovo. But, given the circumstances, especially international conditions, the KLA leadership during the war altered its views on the unification issue. This change now clearly reflects in the position of the two parties that had emerged from the war -- the Democratic party of Hashim Thaci and the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo of Ramush Haradinaj. According to the number of votes they received in local elections last year, they are second and third strongest on the Kosovo political scene. Although they were widely exploited and manipulated in reports across the world, Pan-Albanian aspirations clearly had no deep roots in Kosovo. After the war, backers of this idea played an insignificant role in political life, and voters themselves pushed them to the margin in the 2000 local elections. It can be concluded, therefore, that the wider Kosovo public also believes that the borders of Macedonia, Serbia, and Yugoslavia (of course, except for Kosovo) are a reality that cannot be changed.

It is believed in Pristina that a Kosovo without its own institutions and deprived of the right to decide anything, thereby being in chaos, cannot do much in stopping the conflict in Macedonia and calming the situation in the Balkans. No one is denying that there could be Kosovo Albanians participating in the current armed movement in Macedonia, but the idea that the movement was sent in from Kosovo is firmly rejected. It is also insisted that the roots of the problem are in Macedonia, and that the armed groups in that country are the product of Macedonian circumstances, that they are composed of and led by ethnic Albanians from Macedonia. Judging by the events of the past decade it could be concluded that despite a variety of organizational forms, the current makeup of the National Liberation Army in Macedonia, and maybe even its structure, is at least several years old and that it does not involve small groups of extremists, as it is claimed.

The current conflict in Macedonia developed quickly and there was no time to contain it before it spread. Simultaneously, however, there was no readiness either in Macedonia or in the international diplomacy for a speedy intervention to establish peace. It was believed, instead, that verbal condemnations, pressures on Kosovo and fierce KFOR intervention along the Kosovo border would suffice to contain the conflict. This was partly due to an erroneous belief that the conflict's origin was in Kosovo. The Macedonian authorities insist on this position. It appears, however, that international diplomats are taking a more balanced approach towards this problem, which although not seen in Kosovo as realistic, is believed to be potentially productive. Though verbal condemnations, threats, and a decisive movement on the Kosovo border persist, there is a growing conviction that the conflict should be resolved in Macedonia. KFOR Commander Carlo Cabigiousu recently said that problems in various areas of this part of the Balkans have their own sources and that it would be exaggerated to say that Kosovo is provoking them.

Analysts in Kosovo believe that the use of arms in Macedonia is only a means to force dialogue on political issues, and not a means to solve them. Still it appears that it is not properly understood what sort of dangers could come out of one such armed conflict, what grave consequences it could have on future political processes in Kosovo and Kosovo's relations with its neighbors.

Fehim Rexhepi

(AIM)