Serbia Gets a New Government

AIM Belgrade, January 25, 2001

Today Serbia got a new government, the fifth since 1990 and the first in a decade without a single Socialist. It is also the country's first democratic government, stressed the newly elected Serbian premier, Zoran Djindjic, addressing the Serbian Legislature. Regardless of the fact that the opposition responded to this with ridicule this was doubtless the government elected in the most democratic way so far. For the first time since the multi-party system was introduced in Serbia, the government and its head were elected at polling stations, and the will of the people was only formally confirmed by the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) majority in the Legislature. Namely, at Djindjic's insistence, the DOS ran in last year's December elections with a completely public platform and almost all cabinet members known in advance. Thus the voters had a chance to cast their ballots directly for the future premier, his assistants and his platform. Djindjic's platform had several points, but each was important: a clear break with the past, the building of democratic institutions and economic recovery. All these goals were to provide for a single, ultimate objective: to ensure better, safer and happier living conditions for Serbia's citizens. "What we are promising is that we won't lie to you and we won't steal," said Djindjic at the end of his speech, previously forcing his ministers to produce medical certificates saying that they are capable of carrying out their duties, and promising to "compel" them to make their financial standing public on the day they take office.

Will this be enough? No, as far at the opposition is concerned. Its criticism spared not one segment the Serbian premier tackled in his address: his cabinet, its new officials, or the realization of the announced plans. The most frequent objections were that the government would be "short-lived," that it is "transitional," which alluded to the inevitable disputes inside the DOS everyone expects. Those who in the past ten years independently or in various coalitions used to create Serbia's policies and brought the country to where it is today apparently failed to comprehend what the Djindjic cabinet offered.

They do not like a government which has seven vice premiers, and all DOS leaders at that. For them it is "a precedent in international terms" and proof that "all DOS members are only after power." This decision of the Serbian premier, however, is neither accidental nor illogical. His "team of strategists," as he called them, will offer stability to the government and provide it with the space and time the ministries need to carry out their part of the job. If the DOS supported the program offered by Djindjic, than the bloc's leaders, as vice premiers, together with the premier should serve as the best guarantee that it will be realized. This, and not the offices themselves, was the reason why the premier appointed so many assistants.

Although there are indications that this political segment of the new Serbian government will be a specific filter for the operation of its ministries, this is not to say that 17 ministries headed by experts will have no independence in their work. To the contrary. They face serious tasks as the government's platform envisages radical, and not only cosmetic, changes in all segments of society. When these initial objectives, embodied in the creation of a new legal framework, are accomplished -- which the new premier promised would occur soon (new university and information bills, as well as other legislation dealing with rights and freedoms are already being processed), the ministries could embark on the realization of essential reforms, among which restoring the rights and obligations of local self-government is not of the least importance. Only this, for example, will eliminate the burden of legal obligations and tasks, assumed frequently without open consent, from the shoulders of various government departments. Thus, for instance, if the Ministry for Education is no longer in charge of appointing principals of elementary and secondary schools because this task can more successfully be done by people who know each other -- in the schools and municipalities -- officials of this ministry will have more time to dedicate themselves to reforming the sector in accordance with changes in society. Then, the minister and his assistants will have more time to care about young people and sports, because this is what is also in their competence. Responding to objections to his decision not to form a ministry of sport, Djindjic said that the Serbian government should occupy itself with advancing sports activities in schools and not with the functioning of professional clubs and teams for which there is no money in the federal budget.

The opposition, furthermore, does not like the fact that the former ministry of youth and sport was merged with the education ministry, and that there is a single education ministry for both elementary and secondary schools and universities. They also objected to the mergers of the finance and economy ministries, and of the ministry of health and the ministry of the environment, whereas the sector of labor and employment was separated from the sector of welfare and veteran protection. They are not satisfied with the new cabinet's explanation that in the Serbia they want to build, "the government should be in the service of the economy, and not only in charge of ruling." They understand even less the promise of the new premier that soon "the ministries will be further reduced and with less authority, because, as elsewhere in the world, certain jobs should be done by institutions outside the government, such as, for example, independent agencies."

Being accustomed to living in conditions where not a single permit could have been issued without their consent, not to mention something more important, the Radicals and the Socialists were at a loss to comprehend that the building of democratic institutions was not accidentally placed high on the list of priorities of the new Serbian government, and that this means laying the foundations for a new Serbia. How long it will take the judiciary to begin tackling a very serious task -- the settling of accounts with the former regime -- depends on how long it will take the government and its ministers to make the judiciary truly independent. This, first of all, requires the prosecution of the grave violations of the law and financial infractions committed by former officials. Prosecutors and police will also have to do their share of the job, and maybe this is why it was so difficult to reach an agreement inside the DOS on who should be appointed as the new interior minister, before a temporary solution was found to have one of the vice premiers act simultaneously as interior minister.

Premier Zoran Djindjic kept all his campaign promises: his cabinet can start operating immediately. It is a big question whether it will have a one-hundred-day grace period. Its every move will be closely monitored, much more closely than any of the former cabinets. Both the DOS and the opposition will keep their eyes wide open, not to mention the citizens. This government of "straight A students," as it was labelled due to the biographies of the people making up its expert part, will have to act swiftly, efficiently and transparently to return the economy "into world trends." This is a move Serbia needs and the DOS has pledged to attain. Of course, this cannot be accomplished overnight, but that should not be procrastinated either making any advancement hardly noticeable. This is why priorities do exist. It will be no small achievement, for example, if next year Serbia has no reason to fear electrical power shortages, or if salaries in the country double.

Tatjana Stankovic

(AIM)