Turmoil in Socialist People's Party

Resignation of Momir Bulatovic

Bulatovic has submitted - under pressure of the vice-presidents - resignation on the post of the president of the Socialist People's Party (SNP). But this story is just beginning and it is uncertain how the conflict in the leadership of the SNP will end. The results of early elections and the planned referendum in Montenegro will greatly depend on it

AIM Podgorica, January 31, 2001

Another protagonist of the bloody denouement of the former Yugoslav crisis is stepping down from the political scene. Momir Bulatovic had submitted his resignation to the post of the leader of the opposition Socialist People's Party of Montenegro – it was confirmed by his party colleague Vuksan Simonovic on Wednesday January 31. That is how Milosevic's servile supporter has resolved the dilemma: to leave or to stay, arisen after the victory of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) in federal elections last autumn.

After Milosevic's fall, as one domino causes the fall of the others, his turn has now come. He has submitted resignation to the post of the prime minister, returned to Podgorica and continued to advocate in his own party continuation of the coalition with Milosevic's Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). Such “consistency”, however, did not suit his immediate associates who switched over in time and jumped into the coalition with Kostunica. It was clear that they could not go on along that road with Momir.

The resultant of the crossing of interests and power of the two Bulatovics, Momir and Predrag, will be known only after February 24 when the early convention of the SNP will take place, because it has become obvious that the axis between the DOS and the “European” SNP has not strengthened to such an extent to eliminate Momir and what he symbolises from political life.

“The Vijesti (daily) have to my great regret announced what will be required from me”, wrote Momir Bulatovic in his address to his party comrades, in the letter to the Main Board, which was, also, sent to other numerous addresses as well.

“I was first asked not to be the bearer of the list, then I was told that I cannot be the first candidate on the list, and finally that I cannot be a candidate of the SNP in these elections at all”, Momir Bulatovic lamented over the ultimatum of the three vice presidents. In this way he admitted his loser's position in the clash with them. Because unlike him, although they pursued the same policy, they got connected on to the infusion called the DOS in time.

“The demand for my resignation was explained by my long cooperation with Slobodan Milosevic, due to which the SNP has a negative image in a part of the diplomatic public and among some of its current coalition partners (DOS) on the federal level. Because of my name at the head of the SNP, the vice presidents claim, the possibilities for international and general political recognition of the party are narrowed down”, Momir explains the essence of the conflict.

Momir Bulatovic says that the vice presidents are not right, but that this does not matter any more because they have the majority. Nevertheless, he publicly reviews his position: “My 'guilt' is what until just recently was their main operation task and political priority”. And he concludes: “If the guilt lies in cooperation with the former president of the FRY and the SPS as the natural coalition partner, then I am guilty. I admit the guilt, but I do not regret it. Moreover, I am proud of the results I have achieved”.

Momir has first offered his resignation (he conditioned it with the resignation of the three vice presidents) and did not come to the session of the Main Board where he got the support of only nine members. The Main Board hastily scheduled the convention of the party for February 24, so the leader of the party was given a very short time to win over the majority. But, things are not working to his benefit because the power in the SNP was taken over by the Executive Board headed by vice president Predrag Bulatovic, which will also make preparations for the forthcoming convention.

Member of the Main Board and deputy in the Republican parliament Dusko Jovanovic immediately took up arms for the leader in a statement for the public in which he says: “I don't see a single reason for relieving Momir Bulatovic of duty or his resignation”. State television published this in the prime time daily news show.

Everything reminds of the symbolically called “hundred day” conflict in the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) in the period between March 24 and July 11, 1997, which from the political leadership spread on to all the strata of the society and divided the Montenegrin tissue into two irreconcilable groups. At the time Momir Bulatovic was also the main protagonist, and there were three vice presidents (Djukanovic, Marovic and Pejanovic) against him.

Everybody knows how it ended: the ruling Socialists split into Bulatovic's and Milica Pejanovic-Djurisic's DPS (she was the president at the time). The former was tied to Milosevic with the umbilical cord, the latter turned towards Montenegro and after ten years of loyalty denied obedience to the dictator from Dedinje (elite residence area where Milosevic lives).

Momir Bulatovic had no way out, so he soon after that founded a new party and called it the Socialist People's Party. For a long time the analysts could not explain what induced a comparatively intelligent and cunning politician such as Momir Bulatovic to link himself irrevocably to the “Balkan butcher” at the critical moment of the theft of local elections in Serbia? Passion or fear? Or something completely different?

One should let bygones be bygones, but history is being repeated in a somewhat different manner: the conflict within the party will be very significant for the resolution of the state issue of Montenegro. The political position of the most powerful opposition party in Montenegro will depend on the way Momir Bulatovic will depart, and possibly so will the destiny of the options for the joint state with Serbia. And on the level of the personal: this is the second time that almost the same thing is happening to Momir Bulatovic – he is losing his position in a political conflict with his closest associates. If this time again the solution will be in creation of two irreconcilable and confronted SNPs, their chances to win the elections are nil.

“This is a conflict between the pro-Serb Zizic's faction and Momir's quasi-communist and false Yugoslav faction. This is the conflict in which it will be decided who will control the SNP in the future: Vojislav Kostunica or, like until recently, Slobodan Milosevic”, vice-president of the Social Democratic Party Miodrag Ilickovic interpreted the whole affair in the SNP.

Momir Bulatovic's story is the past. He does not have the logistic support of the regime in Belgrade any more, nor that of the media, nor of the Army of Yugoslavia, nor enough money for bribery, and his loving Milosevic who he intentionally linked his destiny to is in some kind of home prison. He should, on the other hand, be aware that he too is threatened with a journey to The Hague, and that the more he wriggles it will have the effect of live sand.

The question is what will become of the Socialist People's Party?

Although aware that Momir is vain and vengeful and that this split will not pass without scars, the three vice presidents of the SNP wish to get rid of the losers' burden by throwing him out. With the discredited Milosevic's lackey at the head of the party, the newly fledged Europeans assessed, they would be very vulnerable in the forthcoming elections in Montenegro.

And as they have already established connections with the DOS (vice president Zizic is the federal prime minister, and Bozovic is the chairman of the Chamber of the Republics), they are buying the ticket for survival. Moreover, their appetite for connections with other parties has grown, for example with the People's Party, at the crucial moment of decision-making on the state status of the FRY and Montenegro, but nowadays with much more flexibility and without the ultimatum slogan: “Yugoslavia, with no alternative!” That is why they are packing their former president for a journey to be as far from them as possible. “Whether the destination of Momir Bulatovic will be Havana or The Hague, the leadership of his party will subsequently decide, depending on the momentary political interest”, Miodrag Ilickovic says.

Momir Bulatovic has already made up his mind: “I am going neither to Havana, nor to Moscow, where I am persistently sent by those who do not find it simple to look themselves in the eye”. There is still – The Hague.

Branko VOJICIC

(AIM)