Serbian Elections and Failed Protests

AIM Pristina, December 25, 2000

"No, but yes"...This was the usual comment of the UN Mission in Kosovo regarding the possibility of holding of Serbian parliamentary elections also in Kosovo. The local analysts pointed to this "neither fish nor fowl" attitude, which they attributed to the "indecision" of UNMIK, and considered to be the result of intensified fight of the centres of international decision-making for strengthening the defence against Milosevic in Serbia and for facilitating the "take-over" of Serbia.

International officials in Kosovo allowed the holding of the Yugoslav elections of September 24 this year in Kosovo, proclaiming them in advance a farce. Although the said that they would neither organise nor monitor them, UNMIK, nevertheless, organised "witnesses" in white vehicles who toured polling places counting voters. On that same day as many as three press conferences were organised at the UNMIK Headquarters for the purpose of informing the press on the course of elections. As they explained, they decided to do this so as to prevent Milosevic from manipulating with the votes of Kosovars, especially those of Albanian nationality. And when Milosevic was ousted, the international representatives said that the elections had been "democratic, free and fair" and silenced the Albanians, who strongly protested against these elections, with the explanation that "according to UN Security Council Resolution 1244, Kosovo is a part of FRY".

This explanation, also given by Civil Administrator for Kosovo, Bernard Kouchner himself, who called UN Resolution 1244 his Bible, forced the Albanians to restrain from making troubles and spoiling "the elections which brought down the undemocratic authorities in Belgrade". Nevertheless, until the last moment the UNMIK's stand was "No, but yes". Although they reluctantly accepted the fact that they were unable to change the attitude of the international representatives, the Albanian politicians hoped that this would not happen again with the Serbian parliamentary elections on December 23. They reacted already to the first announcements of Serbian representatives in Kosovo, that the elections would be held in regions populated by the Kosovo Serbs, by warning that these "are the elections of a foreign state and that the story about Serbia's sovereignty over Kosovo has come to an end".

UNMIK representatives reiterated that they would have no part in either the organisation or supervision of these elections. Even on the eve of the elections they stated that there would be no witnesses, as was the case with the Yugoslav elections, because they no longer feared manipulations. Their last decision read: "Increased security measures so as to prevent any incident that might endanger the stability of Kosovo". Simultaneously with placing their full trust in the new Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica, they again said "No, but yes".

In the morning of December 23, ballot-boxes were opened in Serbian enclaves in the north of Kosovo, as well as in some other zones populated by members of this community. Some of their leaders said that the only reason for which they supported these elections, since their organisation in these parts was in their opinion disastrous, was to underline the fact that "Kosovo is Serbia". Peace forces (KFOR) and UNMIK police informed that December 23 was peaceful in Kosovo and that not one incident occurred on that day. Individual representatives of the Serbian community mentioned numerous irregularities and the fact that electoral rolls contained names of deceased persons because they had been prepared back in 1996.

There were even some fights in Kosovo Polje, because members of the Socialist Party of Serbia took more than 1,2 million dinars on account of expenses of electoral bodies. Some 48 hours before the elections, electoral rolls for only three districts in Kosovo were received, while no pre-electoral campaign had been organised. This time Kosovo was not visited by Serbian leaders, like on the eve of the Yugoslav elections. Be that as it may, the Serbian elections in Kosovo were truly held without any witnesses or independent foreign observers.

Representatives of the Kosovo Albanians took it out on UNMIK, but also exchanged mutual accusations. Their main leaders opposed these elections in their public addresses, but on the day of the elections kept silent, perhaps because they had to accept a fait accompli.

Several hundreds of Albanian citizens answered the call of a smaller political party - Party of the Liberal Centre of Kosovo, headed by Naim Maljoku - to gather in protest against the holding of these elections. They carried the banners with a slogan: "This is Kosovo, what does Serbia want" demanding UNMIK to stop behaving servility and to take a clear stand on this issue. Speakers reminded the gathered people that the organisation of Serbian elections "is an insult to thousands of Albanian families which have been forcibly deported by those who are running in these elections". For the greater part of the public and representatives of almost all political parties, this was nothing more but "Belgrade's effort at destabilising Kosovo and preventing the integration of the Serbian minority into the political life of Kosovo".

According to them, the Serbs should accept the new reality "if they want to live in Kosovo". There were also those who claimed that these elections were of no importance for Kosovo, but their rivals retorted that such a claim represented a "unprecedented cynicism". In their numerous critical and self-critical reviews, the Albanian parties stated that they had not sufficiently insisted with the international community to prevent the holding of these elections. "The holding of these elections is a violation of the territorial integrity of Kosovo, but also a violation of the basic principles from the UN Security Council Resolution 1244", said political leaders of Kosovo at the height of their "desperation" over their impotence to change the reality.

However, authors of the Resolution remained cold to such "accusations". They even tolerated riots that broke out in the north of Kosovo on the eve of the elections and agreed to withdraw the international police and ban the Kosovo police (incidentally, in these parts it is made of members of the Serbian nationality) from patrolling until the elections were over. A UNMIK spokeswoman said that "riots were a part of inter-Serbian conflicts" and Carlo Cabigiosu, KFOR Commander, stated that "measures can be taken there after the elections, since the international forces do not want to interfere before they are over". "Wait a few days and you will see" was his message at the last press conference held this year.

However, observers say that this was just a continuation of efforts aimed at helping the Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica and that international forces were committed to the fight against all types of nationalism, but that they also know that nationalism remained the trump card of the political struggle in Serbia where a logic "who wins in Kosovo, wins the elections" still applied. That is why, in their first statements leaders of the Kosovo Serbs insisted that the "Serbian sovereignty over Kosovo" had been confirmed at these elections.

Be that as it may, after the euphoria of both sides, the election results made it clear who had won what. This time Slobodan Milosevic's Socialists won the greatest number of votes in Kosovo - 36 percent, and DOS 31 percent. Other votes were equally divided between smaller Serbian political parties. True, this time the Socialist have won much less votes in Kosovo than at the Yugoslav elections, but local analysts were of the opinion that this did not change things since Kostunica, Djindjic and other Serbian "democrats" are considered here mere "substitutes" of Milosevic and his politics. In any case, the Kosovo Serbs will have in the Serbian Parliament several deputies from the territories which are administrated by international representatives. There they will be able to express their "dissatisfaction" to an administration which cannot function in Kosovo.

On the other hand, the Albanians consider that the north of Kosovo is "endangered", because the Serbs there have taken over the communal administration, despite the fact that they boycotted the local elections. "They organise riots whenever they want, exercise the power and strengthen their links with Serbia every day, before the eyes of the international representatives", is the essence of comments of Kosovo analysts. Their only hope is that special advisor to the American President Bill Clinton and State Secretary Madeleine Albright, Ambassador James Pardew, before leaving Kosovo "calmed down" the Albanians with a statement that "this time it will the Serbian disapora which will be actually voting in Kosovo".

AIM Pristina

Arbnora Berisha