New Circumstances, Old Differences

Zagreb Jan 5, 2001

AIM Zagreb, December 25, 2000

After 10 years one of the central Zagreb squares was again given back its old name -- Victims of Fascism Square. During the Tudjman era it was called the Square of Croatian Great Men. The change of name was one of the first moves the new Croatian Democratic Union government made. Over the past decade certain non-government organizations have persistently demanded that the old name be returned. Protest rallies were organized to that end and somewhat later had to put up with strong, rightist counter-rallies. On two occasions young men dressed in black and displaying Ustasha insignia, attacked the protesters who were demanding that the memory of thousands of Jews and members of other ethnic groups be honored as it was precisely from that square that Pavelic's Independent State of Croatia sent them to the camps and death.

The new government promised to restore the name and finally made good on this pledge. But it wasn't easy. The rightists launched a counter-campaign, a petition was organized, rallies were held. In the Zagreb city assembly a clash took place. Enraged over the return of the old name, members of the Croatian Democratic Union cheered ironically, "Long live communism," and aldermen were showered with offensive leaflets saying, "Traitors, cowards, freaks, brown-nosers..."

The rightists put up a huge banner on the square suggesting that the change of name was carried out by anti-Croatian forces. The police are afraid of attacks and provocations and are conspicuously keeping the square under watch. From everything that has happened so far it is obvious that the problem is not in the square, but in historical facts. This is what the debate over the name change in the city assembly showed quite well. Once more traditional truths were fiercely, even viciously, discussed: the nature of the Independent State of Croatia, whether the entry of the Partisans into Zagreb was a liberation or an occupation... Antifascism was declared a betrayal of the nation, and any paying of respect to the victims of fascism was equalized with communism.

Those who are against the return of the old name are in fact attempting to play down the historical truth that the Ustasha Independent State of Croatia was a criminal state which murdered tens of thousands of people in line with fascist ideas. This is why they ostensibly respect the unnamed "Croatian great men;" it suits them because they can fill this loosely defined category with whomever they please. The debate has shown that many Croatians are still confused, and this confusion is not only ideological in nature. Also it confirmed once again what many knew from the very beginning – that the Tudjman government removed the old name because it wanted to rewrite, if possible, even to erase, the truth of what went on in Croatia during World War II.

But a year ago that government became opposition and the Croatian Democratic Union started dealing with the great problem of its own survival. Victims of Fascism Square, however, faced a new problem. The ruling six-party coalition split over the question of whether it should be given back its old name or not. Only the Social Democratic Party, along with several other smaller groups, voted for righting this historic injustice. The Social Democrats' closest coalition partner, Drazen Budisa's Liberals, sided with the Croatian Democratic Union. This begs the following question: if they cannot agree over the facts of a war that ended more that half a century ago, how, then, will the ruling six agree on the facts of the war that had just ended? Although they claim to have achieved a national consensus on the Hague Tribunal and, consequently, on the War for the Fatherland, this is not true at all.

The ruling coalition is again at odds, mainly two of its members, the Social Democratic Party and the Croatian Social Liberal Party. Their political differences are quite obvious. Once, the reformed co mmunists and the Liberals projected their historic compromise on Tudjman's victory. As soon as this task was accomplished, the question of the content of post-Tudjmanism was raised. And now the main question is for what kind of change has the ruling six been voted into office? It is said that its mission has only to do with bringing the country out of the deep economic crisis, and not with changing the existing national program. Tudjman was toppled mostly by the corruptness of his government and social hopelessness it had created. But the new government was also tasked with bringing the country out of international isolation, whose chief cause was Tudjman's nationalist and xenophobic policies. The new authorities have not done much in this regard. In fact, they have completely neglected the issue.

This is why the disputes among the ruling six over the Hague tribunal and Victims of Fascism Square are merely two chapters of the same story. The coalition in power cannot muster the strength to put its political differences on the agenda, and instead gropes from one individual case to another, constantly postponing to clearly define its position. Instead of facing the problem, it keeps avoiding it, and this is why it is rumored that "the cards may be re-dealt" very soon. On the eve of the first anniversary of its victory, it is being generally believed that the differences can only be resolved by a new election. Some have suggested that, next spring, instead of regular elections for one house of Parliament, early parliamentary elections would be held. At this point it is hard to say if these suggestions are serious, or are just an attempt to pressurize the parties of the coalition that are unwilling to conform. The biggest "factor of disturbance," the Croatian Social Liberal Party, fared rather poorly in recent local elections.

It failed to achieve much in the recent vote for the Council of City Districts in Zagreb. These elections aren't that important, but they are considered an interesting assessment of the rating certain parties enjoy and a good indicator of relations on the Croatian political scene. The Social Democrats fared the best, whereas all other parties in power did poorly. Analysts claim the Social Democrats are gradually becoming the leading political party in the country. Two other results also deserve to be mentioned. The elections have shown a great lack of interest, or, as some claim, even fatigue on the part of the electorate. Turnout was only slightly over 16 percent. Although these were elections at the lowest level, which often attract little attention, they still have shown a huge lack of motivation, which is primarily a result of political apathy. There are a number of signs indicating that disappointment with the slowness and shallowness of the changes set in motion by the new government is dangerously growing. The surprise created by the Croatian Democratic Union has a lot to do with that. For the first time after the great political upheaval of a year ago, this party achieved notable results. This is why a great comeback of the Croatian Democratic Union is considered very possible by many. It appears that Croatia is gradually heading towards a two-party system.

Jelena Lovric

(AIM)