Local Elections in Kosovo: Reflections in Tirana

Tirana Nov 15, 2000

AIM Tirana, November 7, 2000

Local elections in Kosovo were followed with unusual interest in Albania. After completion of the local elections in Albania, the central issue was the duel between Rugova and Thaci, both on the pages of the papers and in discussions of those interested in politics. There were even those who placed bets on the official results of the competition between the Democratic League of Kosovo (DSK) and the Democratic Party of Kosovo (DPK). Such great interest, except for the fact that the Albanians have a great passion for politics, is explained by certain other reasons.

First, the war in Kosovo last year and the avalanche of refugees that had swept across Albania at the time established even firmer links between the Albanians on the two sides of the border. Majority of the Albanians in Albania which was swept by about half a million refugees from Kosovo, not only established contacts with them, but joined in the political discussions of the Kosovars on the future of Kosovo; the discussions which at the time and later on were focused on two names: Thaci and Rugova, war or peaceful resistance, paying the high price or treason.

But there is another, perhaps the most significant reason which kept the Albanians rooted in front of their TV sets in expectation of the results of local elections in Kosovo, almost as if a final game in some world championship were concerned. More than human relations and more than economic reasons, the elections in Kosovo aroused the interest of the public especially because of the influence they will have on the politics of official Tirana.

Due to all kinds of circumstances, alliances, declarations, developments in the past ten years of transition in Tirana, a conviction was created that Rugova was a powerful ally and supporter of Berisha and vice versa. On the other hand, the alliance and big support that the Albanian Leftist government offered the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and its cool relations with Berisha, left no doubt that the victory of Hashim Thaci's party would be welcomed by official Tirana. Nevertheless, in official statements after publication of the results of the elections, both political camps in Albania did their best to be cautious. At a press conference Berisha welcomed the victory of his ally Rugova, but added that there were no losers in Kosovo because all the Albanians were winners. On the other hand, the formula used by the Leftists in power was: “Regardless of the results, peaceful elections are a victory for all the Albanians”. Former prime minister Majko who chaired the Albanian government during the crisis in Kosovo, was the only one among the Socialists who declared that Rugova's victory was expected and that it should be welcomed. In the official stance of the party in power, however, Rugova's name was avoided and the elections were assessed only as “the second big victory won by the people of Kosovo since the war a year ago”. The Socialist Party “congratulated the voters in Kosovo on the achieved victory, and the political protagonists on demonstrated capabilities” and finally “to the winners of these elections, as well as to international organisations”.

In their statements, the Foreign Affairs Commission of the Albanian parliament and the Albanian government also lay stress on the peaceful manner in which the elections proceeded avoiding to even mention Rugova's name.

Unlike the public opinion in Kosovo, in Albania there seemed to be few of those who had believed in Rugova's victory. The triumph of the latter with 58 per cent of the votes in proportion to 27 per cent of the votes in favour of Thaci was unexpected and almost unthinkable in Tirana. The Albanians found it hard to believe that the Kosovars had not voted for those who had brought them freedom but for the man with the scarf who had shaken hands with Milosevic at the time when the whole world was against him showing it clearly from the air and the land.

However, without entering into the discussion how Rugova managed to recover and triumph so decisively, it is a fact that the moderate “former president” at this moment expresses the will of almost 60 per cent of the Kosovars who support his restrained policy. Observed from this aspect, Rugova's victory conveys to the West the image of the Albanians who are increasingly consolidated: that they want stability and peace, coexistence and not conflict. Due to thousand and one reason, true, false or undeserved, it does not matter which, in the past ten years Rugova has been the personification of moderate policy and peace. In this sense Rugova's victory is a positive phenomenon. However, the problem of the lack of communication between official Tirana and Rugova is now becoming even mode delicate. For years, the communication lines between the moderate Kosovar leader and the Left coalition in power in Tirana have practically been completely cut.

However, re-establishment of relations, even if partial, should not be impossible. Rugova was silent even when criticism was dispatched to his address from Tirana. It is Tirana's duty to make the first step in the direction of “reconciliation” with the leader from Kosovo. The results of the elections in Kosovo were a very powerful lesson for young politicians in Tirana: that in politics it is good not to follow emotions and momentary inclinations but to try to see well ahead, and that there is no reason to become one of the parties involved when it is possible to be an arbitre between them. For the time being official Tirana has lost this role in Kosovo. It will be interesting to see what role it will play and how it will stand when parliamentary elections take place in Kosovo.

AIM Tirana

Armand SHKULLAKU