Trade Union in Vogue

Up to October 5th, the Association of Free and Independent Trade Unions of Serbia (ASNS) had 84 000 members. After the change of power which took place on that day, it now has a membership of approximately 200 000.

AIM, Belgrade, 1.11.2000.

The sudden popularity of the Association is not altogether unexpected: ASNS is a part of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS), it has participated in the election campaign and the election victory brings back hope of a more normal life. As opposed to other trade unions, state-controlled and para-state, the Association did a good job of protecting labour rights. Dragan Milovanovic, head of ASNS, says that people yearn for changes and a chance to work: "and that's precisely what we're offering. That is why a number of local branches, former members of the state-controlled Alliance of Trade Unions of Serbia, are now joining us."

The Association of Free and Independent Trade Unions was founded in

1. It was formed out of branch and particular trade unions that joined a single organization arranged according to both the branch and territorial principle. Our interlocutor points out that the alliance as it is was born out of necessity, since during Milosevic's regime it was hard to function as an independent trade union. Aware of the power and the significance of the unions, the regime deliberately passed laws which enabled it to control the state trade union, at the time the most numerous one. "As it was unable to control us, it hindered our functioning. The Trade Union Law permits each and every firm to organize an union of its own, so every company has one. But, at the same time, it prohibits head offices from forming local branches. The pinnacle of cynicism is that the authority granting or denying consent for the establishment of an union in a firm is the general manager. Furthermore, each trade union is obliged to register with the Ministry of Labour - which, again, requires the consent of the general manager. Only then can you affiliate to the head office. Milosevic was well aware that the power of the trade union doesn't merely rest upon numbers, but on substantial gains as well. If you have a million strong membership, a dinar per membership due on a single pile amounts to million dinars. Divided into fractions, the sum is considerably less alluring."

Instead of distributing free-of-charge or payable-in- installments pork-halves - the ultimate range of trade-union activity in Serbia - ASNS turned to the implementation and defense of labour rights.

Inspite of apparent weaknesses, the strikes of the metalworkers were the first to shake up the regime of Slobodan Milosevic a few years back. The authorities came up with a peculiar mode of dealing with the disobedient. Fearing riots, they didn't fire the strikers, sending them on forced leaves lasting up to two years instead. The "vacationers" were entitled to 30 to 40 percents of the original salaries. The regime rehearsed the scenario in the Engines and Tractors Industry (IMT) in New

Belgrade, hoping to perform the play in front of a larger audience of broader Serbia later on. In response, the Association organized strikes and the rehearsal failed. In the midst of the war in Bosnia, the Special-Purpose (Military) Industry Sloboda from Cacak went on strike. A bit later, the Special-Purpose Industry in Kragujevac, then the Belgrade Public Transportation. The common demand was a rise in salaries, but little was achieved, apart from a reduction in the production of weapons.

The campaign "Never again alone!" in 1998. was an attempt of joining forces. A huge rally was organized in Kragujevac. Trade-union activists from all over Serbia were supposed to take part, but the police did their best to thwart the gathering. Roads were blocked, buses directed to additional technical check-ups. The same year, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Human Rights, the Association arranged a big rally in Kragujevac again. The running slogan was: "Labour rights are human rights, too."

"The war in Kosovo broke out and we were the first to caution of what was in store. Not even the opposition was willing to back us up. At the time, they were still hesitating, " says Milovanovic.

In given circumstances, the customary mode of trade-union activity turned out to be pointless. For, as Milovanovic puts it: "With salaries amounting to 30 DM, you're opting for a 100 per cent raise, knowing in advance you'll never get as much and that, even if you did, that too is insufficient. For, in order to survive, you need at least 150 DM a month. We tried everything, except for setting fire to ourselves. I headed the column of workers through the streets of Belgrade 5 times, we slept at the steps of the Republican assembly, we tried truly everything, but to no avail. So, what other form of syndical activity was left to us ? That is why we joined the Alliance for Change to begin with and DOS later on. My feeling is that we've come closer to our goal. Milosevic is out of the game and it's finally time to concentrate on genuine trade-union work."

According to Mr. Milovanovic, the first step in that direction should be the unification of ASNS and the once state-controlled Alliance of the Trade Unions of Serbia. At present, it seems as if the Alliance is not too happy with the offer. It claims that ASNS, as a go-between of DOS, is trying to win control over the trade-union movement in much the same way as Milosevic once did. As far as the third (in terms of power) trade union is concerned - the United Branch Trade Union "Nezavisnost" (Independence) - they too do not have an exceedingly favorable opinion of the Alliance: " They are still unaware of the fact that Milosevic is no longer in power. They believe that they can make it on their own, that government subsidies will continue to flow in, that there is still a number they can dial when they run out of means to pay out the workers. At the moment, they have 1600 employees working in the head office, around 15 000 officials in individual firms and approximately 10 000 other odd-workers earning matter-of-fact salaries at non-existing posts. That's a veritable army of people living off the public funds and it's hard to tell what will become of them" are the running comments. Which doesn't go to say that "Nezavisnost" is eager to join forces with ASNS just now.

Dramatic artists may serve as an illustration of the growing interest for syndical activity in all walks of life in Serbia. They have formed an organization of their own within the respective Alliance. Their leader, dramatist Ivan Lalic, describes it as being "small, but powerful. If only five of our members refuse to go on stage one evening, the entire Belgrade theater repertoire falls apart instantly." He tells us that the members of the Alliance of Dramatic Artists "have been apathetic towards trade union activity for years; the whole thing seemed as being equivalent to the distribution of pork-halves and such-like nonsense. But then, aware of the power and significance of trade unions elsewhere in the world, we decided to have a go at it. To begin with, we claimed fees due to us that RTV Serbia has been refusing to pay out for years and demanded raises. The average salary in a theater in Serbia is three times lower than the salary of a bus driver. No offense, but ours is considered to be an elite profession," says Lalic.

Dara Djokic, a well known actress, was the first president of the dramatic artists trade union, previous to Ivan Lalic. Together with director Alisa Stojanovic, she concentrated on obtaining guarantees for the improvement of the material circumstances of union members from the former Secretary of Culture Zeljko Simic. Mr. Simic would receive them cordially and, equally cordially, refer them to someone else who would, in his turn, refer them back to minister Simic ... an so on, ad infinitum.

"We demanded the resignation of minister Simic and got it", says Mr. Lalic. "We've proved to have the necessary energy to carry out the goals we set before ourselves, and the new authorities have recognized this. They also have understanding for our request to be consulted prior to the appointment of theater managers and other officials. What we are looking for are sound, professional, ethical relations between trade and government. We're seeking to create a favorable, uncompromised ambiance to work in. And there is much to be done. The Theater Law is in the making. But, it seems like we'll finally be able to do our work properly."

Only since recently has the power of trade unions become recognized in Serbia. In past, revolutionary days, many have finally lived to relieve of duty the management and "cemented" executives in their firms. Up to now, they were the ones being fired. Finally, trade unions may prove to be a serious threat for the new authorities. Life is hard in Serbia: the economy is falling apart, a third of the population is barely surviving on humanitarian aid. Experts anticipate the possibility of massive strikes as early as immediately after the republic elections at the end of the year - whether because of the privatization, low salaries or reductions in labour force. Maybe that is why the ever-loyal state trade unions hesitate to join the independent unions. The state budget, however meager, was always considered to be reliable in this part of the world.

Sonja Ciric

(AIM)