Kostunica: Distrust in Pristina

AIM Pristina, October 11, 2000

It seems paradoxical, but many Kosovo Albanians would prefer if their "enemy No. 1", long-standing Serbian leader, Slobodan Milosevic stayed on the "throne" of Serbia. If you asked them why they would not be able to tell you whether this "wish" has anything to do with the declarations of Western politicians that "continuation of Milosevic's era would bring independence of Kosovo closer" or perhaps they would simple like it as "punishment" for Serbia for everything that has happened in Kosovo...

On the day of the big protest in Belgrade, streets of Pristina were half deserted, like in the days of the main events of the European football championship. With satellite TV antennas turned towards the greatest world TV channels, Kosovo Albanians were watching the "overthrow" of the last dictatorship in Europe, and accustomed to look upon everything that is happening in and around Serbia with suspicion, they immediately concluded that "this is all just a big game". Their concern was also very specific. About one thousand Albanians are in prisons in Serbia and the people feared that they could be the main victims of the "showdown" between the old and the new Serbian authorities.

However, events moved so fast that the Albanians remained "lost" when faced with the newly created situation. "Serb dictator, creator of the policy of ethnic cleansing throughout former Yugoslavia, the author of four bloody wars in the Balkan, indicted for war crimes in Kosovo"... fell after a few hours of protest in the streets of Belgrade. The world sprang up with enthusiasm because of the victory of "democracy". In numerous statements of Western politicians in which the fall of Milosevic was often welcomed with earnestness, there was almost not a word devoted to Kosovo Albanians who often tended to believe after bombing of Serbia and entrance of peace-keeping forces that they were the centre of the whole world... For weeks before that they listened to assessments of world leaders that Yugoslav elections were a farce, illegitimate and undemocratic. Now they are listening about the victory of the Serbian people, even that what happened in Serbia was "the people's revolution headed by democrat Vojislav Kostunica"... And while the world watched the "big change" in Belgrade, from the very beginning, the Albanians were certain that this was just a change of political cadre. Dictator Milosevic who used Serb nationalism to the maximum is replaced by nationalist Kostunica who has "reached democracy with the help of para-military units of Captain Dragan and notorious 'Tigers'". All newspapers in Kosovo published photographs of Vojislav Kostunica with a Kalashnykov machine-gun in his hands and an explanation that they were taken during his visit to Kosovo during the war in 1998 when he visited the ill-famed para-military groups. Although these photographs have not changed the disposition of the international community, concern among the Albanians has increased. Their politicians who used to declare that they were "not at all interested in Yugoslav elections", seem to have started to realise that they are very significant for their interests, too. The confused Albanian public demanded answers. What will happen to Kosovo now? Will the attention move to Belgrade and finally does this mean that independence of Kosovo is further away?

Albanian moderate leader Ibrahim Rugova declared that he rejoiced at every democratic change in the region and that he therefore welcomed democratic changes in Serbia. He demanded that new authorities in Belgrade show signs of disassociation from Milosevic's regime by setting prisoners free and offering information on a few thousand persons registered as the disappeared, and extradition of war criminals to the Hague Tribunal. At the same time he reassured his compatriots that the journey towards independence of Kosovo will continue.

His rival party headed by former political leader of Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), Hashim Thaci, declared that "the destiny of Kosovo is separated from the destiny of Serbia and that the Albanians are happy with every democratic change in the countries of the region". Its representatives said that Mr. Kostunica had a similar stand with Milosevic when questions of Kosovo were concerned and that that was the reason why they did not believe in positive changes in Serbia...

Other political forces sent similar and very reserved messages and stands which were presented to civil administrator Bernard Kouchner in order to be forwarded to the heads of diplomacy of the countries of EU in Luxembourg. Kouchner faithfully conveyed the messages (the cynics say that he did it even better than the Albanians themselves), but without any effect. Although they knew almost with certainty what would happen in Luxembourg, the Albanians are disappointed, almost insulted by the decision of foreign ministers to lift the sanctions imposed on Belgrade. They had hoped that this question would have at least been conditioned by liberation of the Albanians from Serbian prisons. However, European ministers denied what they used to call the policy of "the carrot and the stick". They openly awarded Belgrade and said they would talk about the "counter-service" at a later date. Reactions in Kosovo were very sharp. Albanian humanitarian associations announced mass protests because of the prisoners and political leaders declared that the decision of the Europeans was hasty and disappointing. As they have learnt from experience to be cautious when Belgrade is concerned regardless of who is in power, to Albanian leaders Western diplomats sometimes seem "rash". President of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo Ramush Hajradinaj declared that in case the sanctions had been lifted for humanitarian reasons in order to help the Serbian people, the Europeans had to be aware that there was nothing more humane than to set hostages free and bring to light the destiny of a few thousand disappeared persons. He also said that he would have nothing against an increase of aid for the Serbian people because "after all, changes in Serbia are positive", said Hajradinaj adding that "nobody can be worse than Milosevic". His supporters claim that these changes will weaken the force of Milosevic's administration. Nevertheless, for Albanians Kostunica represents the continuation of the stands of Serbian politicians towards Kosovo. He acted as if he had hurried to confirm such opinions by publicly stating that he would engage in "re-establishing Serbian sovereignty in Kosovo" and refused to amnesty Albanian prisoners since he considered it to be a political issue despite the demands of institutions such as the Belgrade Humanitarian Law Fund.

In any case it seems that the changes in Serbia have caught Albanian leaders unprepared. These changes caught them in the midst of the election campaign for municipal elections scheduled for October 28 in which they are competing in who will more clearly promise the quickest possible independence of Kosovo although the citizens in these elections will choose only mayors who could hardly ensure international recognition! In the midst of these promises the announcement of administrator Kouchner that he might "begin talks with new officials in Belgrade about realisation of substantial autonomy for Kosovo" exploded like a bomb. Even if this goal has been defined by Kouchner's "Bible" as he calls UN Security Council Resolution No. 1244, for the Albanians this is an obsolete formulation and in discord with the newly-created reality in Kosovo. They say that any talks of the head of civilian mission with the officials in Belgrade had to be well and carefully prepared. According to them, Kouchner's mandate is to talk on issues of mutual interest, but not to talk about the final status of Kosovo. Only the people of Kosovo can decide about that, they say, and they are committed to building independence and any other alternative would mean a new war...

However, in Pristina there are different opinions about the nature and possible implications of the current changes in Belgrade. For instance, Veton Surroi states a view characteristic for liberal circles in Kosovo who believe that Milosevic's departure from power is the first step on the road to democratisation in Serbia and generally of relieving of tensions in the region. Although they state the need for the Serb society to free itself of nationalism, the need for the Serb society to face collective responsibility for almost plebiscitary support to Milosevic in waging the ten-year long wars (as an argument in favour of this they state shouts of protesters in Belgrade streets addressed to Serbian police: "Ustashe, Ustashe" and "Go to Kosovo"), as well as establishment of individual guilt for all perpetrators of war crimes on the territory of former Yugoslavia, they nevertheless see the possible development of events and relations as part of the assumed democratic competition of all the protagonists in the region, mutual opening and cooperation (among other on specific projects of the Stability Pact), and adoption of Western democratic standards of political behavior and resolving open problems though negotiations.

AIM Pristina

Besnik BALA