Phalanx of the Croatian Democratic Union Marches Forward

AIM Zagreb, October 2, 2000

After waves of demonstrations by veterans' and disabled veterans' Associations against the prosecution of people suspected of Croatian crimes against Serbs and Bosniaks swept across the country over the past several weeks, they finally reached, as if following a route planned out in advance, the Croatian parliament and other top state and spiritual institutions. At the first regular fall session of Parliament, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), taking advantage of its majority in one of the houses, motioned for an investigation to be launched into the responsibility of President Stjepan Mesic and Prime Minister Ivica Racan in allegedly endangering the constitutional order in the country.

In a fierce debate, the two of them were accused of having brought the country to the verge of civil war, by allegedly allowing for, and personally urging, the criminalization of key achievements of the War for the Fatherland. In this, no one ever questioned war crime trials as such, which indicates that the campaign is intellectually backed by someone rather versed in legal matters, but the attacks instead focus on a quite lengthy list of other objections. The arrests of war crime suspects are described as brutal and spectacular, and it is even mentioned that possible Croatian crimes, if they were committed, were done in defense, meaning that they should be judged from a different standpoint, or be absolved in advance.

Though it is highly unlikely that the Parliament would indeed raise the question of responsibility of Stjepan Mesic and Ivica Racan, it is obvious that the Croatian Democratic Union is keeping the issue of war crimes prosecution in focus in order to return to the political scene. In many ways this is a high-risk maneuver, because there is a great probability that the party may use all its energy insisting on matters most of the people no longer view as a number one question of national policy. Well aware that it is not up to the priorities of the new era, having always been and remained a party of war, the Croatian Democratic Union, however, does not want to abandon the heated campaign, expanding and intensifying it instead.

In doing so it relies on unconditional support of the so-called “associations of the War for the Fatherland,” which Franjo Tudjman deliberately turned into a bellicose and well-funded veterans' lobby, believing he might need them as a last line of defense once the time of reckoning comes. These associations, however, are not a perfect support; more precisely, they can be of service but only in limited campaigns, whereas once the articulation of serious political positions and demands starts, they are but a loud noise coming through a megaphone. This is why the Croatian Democratic Union can be very pleased because two “pillars of the state system,” as they were called during the Tudjman era – the Croatian Church and a part of the top brass – joined the campaign.

The Church joined in, allegedly, to calm passions on both sides, but a message issued by the bishops which said that the recent arrests were an unnecessary demonstration of force to “intimidate the people” made it clear that it has joined the choir which claims that the Mesic-Racan government has let down, if not betrayed, basic national interests. Obviously the Croatian Right has gained a powerful sympathizer, if not a potential covert leader, in the Croatian Church. It is also clear that the Croatian Democratic Union is still facing a deep crisis because not even the blunders of the new government are helping it get rid of the greatest burdens from its past.

This is why certain steps have been taken that were until recently unimaginable: at the initiative of this party widely hated Ivica Pasalic, one of the party's most prominent members and Tudjman's pet politician, was ousted. The sacking of Pasalic, however, was ridiculed by a number of news media as a cheap trick aimed at getting rid of all past sins by sacrificing one man, no matter how strong he once used to be. Furthermore, the Croatian Democratic Union obviously is not strong enough for a wide-scale political campaign of purifying itself and even less of truly bringing in question the legitimacy of the new government before it marks its first anniversary in power.

This is why a message from the latest declaration of the party's main board to “the Croatian people at home and abroad” drew immediate attention. It says that this party “completely shares” the views of the bishops, generals, and veterans' and disabled veterans' staffs on contemporary political issues aimed at defending “the dignity of the War for the Fatherland.” The declaration was a direct response to a decree passed by Stjepan Mesic which retired seven generals of the Croatian Army who together with five reserve and retired generals signed an open letter to the public and the highest state institutions.

The open letter started with the same claims that were heard during numerous veterans' protests – that the arrests of war crime suspects were more like raids on terrorists and mobsters and that the incumbent authorities and news media are inciting the “criminalization” of the War for the Fatherland. This, the Letter stressed, leads to criminalization of the very will of the Croatian people to defend and protect itself from Greater Serbian aggression and occupation.” The next day Mesic sent the signatories of this patriotic pseudo-interpelation into retirement, sending them a clear message that “this is neither Argentina nor Afghanistan,” and that professional soldiers would not be allowed to meddle into the country's political life.

Mesic's decision gained the support of all members of the ruling coalition, but there were also numerous objections to Mesic's business-like attitude and rashness, although it was clear that if he had delayed his decision a day or two, Croatia might have had even experienced a military coup. It seems that the Croatian Democratic Union was more aware of that than the ruling parties, and this is why without hesitating and on the very same day they fiercely responded to Mesic's decision by issuing the declaration mentioned above. In very dramatic words, the declaration advises the Croatian people that “this regime is trying to abuse its tolerance and lead the country to the brink of civil war, cause further divisions and possible armed clashes within the Croatian nation.”

The most crude political disqualification from the Tudjman era, even worse, were put to use once more. The Mesic-Racan government was labeled “communist,” even terrorist (“regime terrorism”), whose purpose was said to be the annulment of the sovereignty of the Croatian state and its return into “Balkan associations.” Because of that and because of equating the victim and the aggressor the government was called “treasonous” and its methods were described as a deliberate provocation of incidents that would serve as an excuse to introduce a state of emergency. Therefore it was demanded that early parliamentary elections be called as soon as possible so that the regime can “be ousted by the will of the people.”

In this way an atmosphere almost identical to that in Spain in the wake of Franco's death has been created, when a part of the orthodox Right attempted to prevent the country's democratization by staging a military coup. Their attempt was foiled by the defiant attitude of the former chief of the Phalanx, reformed Frankist Suares, who refused to bow before the putschists in Parliament.

Marinko Culic

(AIM)