"Chetnik" and "Ustasha" in Coalition

Aim, Zagreb, September 23, 2000

On Wednesday, September 20, for the first time in its history, Donji Lapac, a small communal centre in the south-east Lika, became the centre of the most interesting media-political events in the country. On that day, Milan Djukic, President of the Serbian National Party, and Anto Djapic, President of the Croatian Party of the Right, announced their intention to form a post-electoral coalition on the communal level.

As befitting the occasion, this news was celebrated with roast lamb and plum-brandy. Coalition partners Djukic and Djapic celebrated this agreement in the front yard of Djukic's birthplace in the village of Dnopolje, near Lapac. This marked the end of a long-lasting government crisis in this place, at least until the next local elections scheduled for next year. The Donji Lapac electorate numbers some 3,000 Serbs (mostly returnees), and 450 Croats - refugees from central Bosnia. Before the war, Lapac was ethnically the most homogenous commune in Croatia, with 98 percent of Serbs. This place held another record: it had the greatest number of employed in relation to the total number of inhabitants.

At elections for the communal council held in late August, Djukic's Serbian National Party scored a clear-cut victory and secured 11 mandates, Djapic's Croatian Party of the Right won two mandates, while Stipe Suvar's SRP got three seats. At that time the commune was run by Dragan Milanovic, the Government's commissioner, who is now, allegedly, Mesic's candidate for the Ambassador to Belgrade. HDZ did not win a single delegate seat, whereby it was more than convincingly punished for its policy pursued in the last five years.

Donji Lapac is the first commune on the territory of former Krajina in which a Serbian national party has won power. Suvar's Socialist Workers' Party refused to join the coalition with the explanation that it did not belong in such a company.

All this together still cannot explain the general disbelief, surprise and shock which people felt after the announcement of the coalition was made. Namely, those unfamiliar with the local circumstances should know that Djapic's Croatian Party of the Right is the representative of the extreme right political forces in Croatia. Although it was formed as a satellite of the Croatian Democratic Union, Djapic's Party of the Right today carries its own political weight, especially because of the HDZ's erosion which is growing by the day. It rallies open pro-Ustasha elements, NDH nostalgic, openly advocates the prevention of the return of the Serbs to Croatia, and for quite a while this party proposed the moving of the Croatian borders towards the Drina river.

Djapic's party comrades are easy to recognise: they wear black shirts, black suits and, most often, black ties. They have recently participated in the raising of a monument to Jure Francetic, Pavelic's right-hand man who was killed by Kordun peasants during World War II. The raising of his monument caused general consternation of the civilised domestic public and strong international criticism, but the monument remained in its place.

For its part, Djukic's party has a similar genealogy. It was established under the HDZ's patronage because at the time of his bitter fight for international recognition, Franjo Tudjman needed a "loyal Serb". He found him in the Ministry of the Interior (MUP) where Djukic was working at that time -whom the rebelled Serbs expelled from Lapac by mining his house because of his conciliatory attitude towards Zagreb. That is why later on Djukic was unable for years to get rid of the title of the Serbian Sejda Bajramovic, who at one time became a synonym for a remote-controlled instant-politician devised to formally - and not only formally – satisfy the representation needs of ethnic minorities. According to his opponents, Djukic's politics was for years determined according to instructions from Pantovcak, in Franjo Tudjman's cabinet. In Parliament - where he is currently serving his third term of office - Djukic always spoke "Serbian", both linguistically and politically wise.

He worked hard for the rights of the Serbs, spoke about the endangered Serbian nation, refuted claims that the Homeland War was sacred, etc. Consequently, he was much disliked by a part of the Croatian public: in numerous public opinion polls his name always figured prominently on the list of unpopular personalities in Croatia. His image certainly added to this: a recognisable heavy golden signet-ring, long beard, colourful suits and ties, and similar fashion details. Basically, for years Djukic as such, fitted the idea the prejudiced popular masses had about typical Serbs, which literally drove crazy his opponents, like Dr Milorad Pupovac. Nevertheless, at all elections held until now, Djukic crossed the electoral threshold, one way or the other, so that no one can dispute him to have legitimacy.

However, Djukic is known in the Croatian public as a "Chetnik", "advocate of Greater Serbia", etc. That is why it is perfectly clear why the amazed inhabitants of Donji Lapac, as well as numerous TV, radio and journalistic crews have spent an entire day in Lapac watching things with their eyes wide open.

A radical Croat and a wild Serb, united in peace and love – over roast lamb and plum-brandy - toasted each other the whole day, not finding many controversial points and, what is more, pointing to this example as a sign-post for the future. Djapic literally said: "Croats and Serbs in Donji Lapac can live together, and the new communal prefect Djukic will enjoy my absolute support in all his plans because until now, as far as living conditions were concerned, Donji Lapac was a twilight zone. The present situation, in which SNS has such majority in a place, is unique in Croatia, so that it represents a major test both for Donji Lapac, as well as for Croatia. If Donji Lapac succeeds, Croatia will succeed also".

Djukic and Djapic agreed on many points. For example, in criticising the old and the new authorities: "The old HDZ authorities have cheated these people", said Anto Djapic. "Serbs and Croats alike". With the plan of return from 1997, they invited all exiled Serbs to return, but did nothing to secure accommodation for Croats. That is why HDZ has fared so badly at the elections in Lapac and did not win a single delegate seat. The government of the six will not do much more either. No one from the Government came here, and they do not care for Donji Lapac. This Government doesn't have a concept for the recovery of this region and that is why they are not here today". In a similar vein Djukic stated that "HDZ was at least honest with these people and said: "We won't give you anything". But the new authorities say: We shall give you nothing". According to Djukic, the Government is the only one which can change things in Donji Lapac because "the satisfaction of both sides depends on it". The journalists have observed that there was some disagreement regarding the return: Namely, Djapic stated that the Croats wouldn't be able to return to the Republic of Srpska, same as the Serbs were not allowed to return to Croatia, to which Djukic, as befitting a good host, replied that the Croats "would have to be allowed to return there".

What can this awkward coalition do? Today, Donji Lapac has two key problems. One is the unresolved property issue. The Bosnian Croats have mostly moved into Serbian houses which are privately owned, and they will have to vacate them. It seems that Anto Djapic is perfectly aware of this.

But, since the majority of these people has no intention of returning to central Bosnia, the state will have to find them some alternative accommodation - which it undertook to do - either by moving them to other locations, or by giving them construction sites free of charge or by building houses for them. This is a costly and time-consuming process the outcome of which is uncertain, but as he said, Djukic is aware of the gravity of the problem and has promised to do everything in order to make the Government truly solve that problem properly. By a happy combination of circumstances not a single serious inter-ethnic incident or conflict has been registered in this town to date. Donji Lapac has no segregation, divisions, separate restaurant or buses. Poverty and remoteness of all traffic routes have done more for the cohabitation of returnees than any politics. Both sides were aware that they were losers and all of them were refugees so that that awareness contributed to their mutual understanding better than anywhere else. The second problem is harder. About 70 percent of houses in Lapac have been burned down, not one economic facility is working, and the only ones who have work are public servants.

In other words, without the Government's help, Djukic and Djapic will not be able to solve one single key problem in the commune. By forming a coalition they have demonstrated their good will to settle their differences. However, question remains what will the Government do. Out of six ruling parties, not one has nominated its candidates in Donji Lapac, which means that this small Serbian enclave - in which Djukic's and Djapic's parties are promoting cohabitation - was discarded in advance, although it is region "of special national concern". The following months will show what measures will be undertaken in this totally devastated area. The only thing observed in Donji Lapac that has any prospects - believe it or not - is coalition of Djukic and Djapic. According to our sources, they have already agreed on the pre-electoral campaign and post-electoral cooperation for the communal elections in Petrinja.

Boris Raseta

(AIM)