Elections and Political Crime

AIM Pristina, September 1, 2000

The census of Kosovo population above the age of 16 was the most significant phase in preparing the October municipal elections in Kosovo. The census was successful in the statistical, but not completely in political sense. About twenty parties and coalitions have registered to participate in the elections, along with a few citizens' initiatives and a number of independent candidates. They come from all ethnic communities except the Serb. All possible codeces of behavior of the candidates and the media have been adopted, including the rules on financial expenses. That is the technical side of the problem. In political sense the process is much more complicated due to which there is and will be plenty of obscurity and disagreement. During the census it was impossible to register even one thousand Serbs. Demanding previous return of displaced Serbs and creation of conditions for their full safety, questioning the power of UNMIK to organise the census and the elections, and discontented with their position in general, the Serbs boycotted the census. Because of the demand that Turkish become the third official language of Kosovo, the census was also boycotted by a part of the Turks. However, their parties were not united in their demand, so it is assumed that only a minor number of the Turks have not been registered. According to the pre-determined rules, all those who have not been registered during the three-month census campaign will not have the right to vote in October elections. This means that neither the Serbs nor a part of the Turks will be permitted to vote. In view of the complexity and decisive influence of ethnic relations on the total situation and processes, they will therefore always be able to pose the question of legality and legitimacy of the elected agencies.

As assumed, the boycott did not interrupt the preparations for the elections in October. A representative of the Serb National Council in Gracanica declared that the Serbs would not participate in the elections for the same reasons they had boycotted the census. However the Council from Gracanica assessed that it would not in fact boycott the elections, because it would not oppose possible nomination of Serb representatives in municipal assemblies by civil administrator Kouchner. All things considered, the question of representing the Serbs after the elections will be resolved in this way. There are no indications that in the foreseeable future separate elections will be organised in Serb enclaves. Representatives of the Serbs from the northern part of Mitrovica and Kosovo, refused to accept any compromise about the census or the elections.

Due to the numerousness of the Albanians, the problems which arise on their side have a much greater influence on the elections and the developments in Kosovo in general. Until a few years ago, mutual personal and political intolerance among the parties and politicians was mostly not known to the public. Together with the media they persistently tried to create the image of unity of Albanian political forces concerning the main goals, primarily concerning independence of Kosovo. That is what the people also wished and those who dared "probe" into these matters risked to be suspected of destroying the unity. For the world and the public occasional information about internal Albanian political quarrels were inexplicable and inconceivable. However, a bitter struggle for political primacy was going on under the surface and it has never ceased. On the outside it seems to be somewhat milder but under the surface it is merciless. It seems that it even costs some people their lives, and people fear that there will be even more of that in the forthcoming weeks when the election campaign blazes up. In the past weeks mostly local activists of Rugova's Democratic League were the victims. It should be said, though, that showdowns among the Albanians with the use of firearms which are believed to be cases of political violence, are no novelty. They were quite numerous in the past two or three years, and mostly members of Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and Democratic League were the victims. Despite plenty of vagueness concerning the assumed political violence and crime in general, Democratic League launched its campaign of political defence. However, other parties and numerous public personalities assessed that this party activity is in fact permeated by election aspirations. To direct criticism that Democratic League is exaggerating in presenting itself as the victim because this can bring it additional votes in the elections, its presidency replied that the attacks against its members and criticism of other parties were a campaign against freedom, independence and democracy in Kosovo which additionally stimulates violence. It estimated that political violence was used by individuals - profiteers and groups which strive to maintain their positions in Kosovar society and forcible survival on the political scene of Kosovo. Because of certain shows about Democratic League its presidency sharply criticised Kosovo Radio-Television and especially daily Koha Ditore which is openly suspected of stimulating violence. It was demanded that UNMIK and KFOR banish individuals from secret services of certain neighbouring countries who are striving to further unstable the situation in Kosovo. The question of the presence of foreign agents was formulated in the form which suggests that there is sufficiently convincing evidence about it.

Kosovar parties and their membership have no experience in multi-party struggle for votes. They take politics too personally, primarily as a means for acquiring a reputation – for their family, clan, region, and personal wealth, of course. If this is observed within the framework of rules of behavior in traditional societies it becomes more understandable why in Kosovo we have constantly a state of strained inter-partisan relations, especially between the two Albanian political blocks. On the eve of the elections, one should add to it, the atmosphere has been created of a belief that the struggle for votes is not just a competition in which positions of the winners and the defeated can be changed in certain periods of time, but also as a showdown which will enable getting even with a rival once and for all. This is the origin of the assumption that some of the so-called enigmatic murders and injuries were committed for political reasons. None of these cases has had an epilogue in court or some convincing official explanation. Representatives of the international community in Kosovo are greatly concerned because of the possibility of flaring up of this form of crime and crime in general which would jeopardise not only the election process but also the efforts of the international community altogether.

Increase of crime rate is also expected by commander of KFOR, general Ortuno. Several weeks ago UNMIK and KFOR founded a special group which will investigate all cases of this form of crime. Establishment and activities of this group were agreed with New York where a few days ago assistant Secretary General for peace operations published special security measures before the elections. According to it, police priorities will be changed in order to investigate and resolutely prevent political crime. For that purpose, measures will be taken to protect certain personages when a high level of risk exists. As officially stated, security services of UNMIK have already made lists of priorities, that is, of the most endangered parties and candidates who will be offered special protection during election campaign. The names of the candidates and the parties have not been made public yet.

It would be interesting to know what changing of priorities might mean. It can be assumed that it refers to improvement of security. However, from the point of view of the current situation and experience in persecuting crime, there is little chance to make a real shift. It is impossible to eliminate the slackness and inefficiency in just a few weeks. Security is becoming one of the most acute problems of Kosovo. Causes are many-sided among other because this issue is not just a problem for the police.

People feel less and less safe, there is no hope for development, no system for defence of the society, so it is understandable that the fog is becoming thicker. For the first time the people here can personally experience that the worst society is the one which cannot efficiently fight against crime. There are many assumptions why this is so. One of them is that crime is calculated into certain political and diplomatic objectives. It is unbelievable that crime is flourishing and that forces which consider safety to be in their sole jurisdiction, UNMIK and KFOR, can do nothing much to at least slow down this social evil which endangers literally everybody and everything - the people and all the vital functions of the society.

An all-inclusive security system must be established in Kosovo. A partial approach to the problem is an illusion or manipulation aimed at achieving certain political and diplomatic goals. The ruined economy which has no prospects for the future is in danger, and so is the main political process - the elections which are expected to establish the very first foundations of Kosovar institutions, in fact everything that could lead to normalisation is in danger. It is unthinkable that all this can happen in a small space where more than 40 thousand soldiers and about three thousand international policemen are engaged in the business of safety. Why are they allowing the whole society and they themselves be overshadowed by crime? Nobody speaks about it or perhaps nobody actually knows in what direction Kosovar society ought to be going, but where it is going at this moment, is more than obvious.

AIM Pristina

Fehim REXHEPI