Macedonian Diplomacy

Vanity Fair

Although it has entered the tenth year of its existence, the Macedonian diplomacy cannot rid itself of some amateurish mistakes. Scandals in its ranks sometimes resemble well-written novels.

AIM Skopje, July 26, 2000

At the recent Ohrid meeting of Foreign Ministers of the countries of the region, nothing epoch-making has been done. At least, that was the reporters' impression; it was just another in a series of routine meetings on the (non)functioning of the famous Stability Pact. Nevertheless, for the local, sensation-hungry public, something has happened: the host, chief of Macedonian diplomacy Aleksandar Dimitrov, introduced to his guest hostesses who accompanied the delegations as their "guardian angels". And, instead of analysing the achievements of the Ohrid meeting, the majority of reporters chose to estimate the importance and role of hostesses in shaping and implementing country's
foreign policy. Naturally,, opinions were divided: one said that this was just another (in a series) gaffe of Foreign Minister Dimitrov, while others - with a better sense of humour, thought that the youngish Macedonian diplomacy had finally done something good. In any case, the diplomatic service has once again been called on the carpet.

If any of the attributes of the Macedonian statehood have been under permanent scrutiny, more precisely, constantly followed bad luck, than in the last decade, it was the diplomacy.

Everything got off on the wrong foot from the very beginning. For, the precedent that Macedonia is the only of practically 200 UN member nations which is entered into the East River registers under a temporary reference: Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, even better known under its English acronym FYROM, cannot exactly be called a diplomatic success. The then President Kiro Gligorov and the diplomatic service he was creating at that time, promised the plebs that the solution would be only temporary ("it will last just a few months" they said), but this temporariness has been going on for over seven years now. Here is just one more scene from the times of the previous administration of the Social-Democratic Alliance, with President Gligorov at its helm: does anyone remember the summer of 1998 and the intention of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation to organise a warning air drill in the Macedonian and Albanian airspace? Who could remember after all that had happened after that? However, former chief of diplomacy Blagoj Handziski surely does. Namely, with the full seriousness of the function he was performing, he told the press that "at least two weeks were necessary to prepare the air manoeuvres!" Two days later, NATO planes were already airborne over Macedonia.

From the very beginning, in winter 1999, the three-headed coalition which has produced the Government of Ljubco Georgijevski, did not have much luck. The West prepared its operation against FR Yugoslavia, but it seems that no one consulted the country that was to accept thousands and thousands (it seems that no one knew how many) of NATO soldiers ready for ground operations in Kosovo. The only thing left for Foreign Minister Aleksandar Dimitrov and those above him, was to keep repeating that they had promises that ground intervention would not be launched from the Macedonian territory. According to some subsequent findings, it turned out that in its Headquarters in Brussels, the Alliance was seriously entertaining the idea of launching a ground foray into Kosovo, but that luckily for Dimitrov and his companions, FR Yugoslavia agreed to the Kumanovo Agreement much before the operation was to start.

Recognition of Taiwan is one of the chapters that will find its place in the diplomatic annals of independent Macedonia. One of the coalition partners in the current Government, the Democratic Alternative and its leader, Vasil Tupurkovski, made an arrangement in spring 1999 according to which Macedonia was to diplomatically recognise Taiwan in order to get in return a respectable financial aid.

As doctor of legal sciences, and of the international law for that matter, Tupurkovski couldn't know that such a risky move would force the Beijing Government to automatically sever relations with Macedonia. And indeed, the People's Republic of China really made this expected move suspending diplomatic relations and creating a new diplomatic scandal. President Gligorov, who was cohabiting with the Coalition for Change, found himself in an embarrassing situation having to explain to the Chinese Lady Ambassador that it was from her "that he first heard about the recognition of Taiwan!?" The author of "Taiwan Project", Vasil Tupurkovski reassured the public that after the expiry of Gligorov's mandate, the relations with Taiwan would evolve and that Macedonia would appoint a new ambassador to Taipeh (which Gligorov could not be expected to do). However, to the surprise of Tupurkovski and supporters of rapprochement with Taiwan, the new President Boris Trajkovski is in no hurry to accept the letter of credit from the Ambassador from Formosa. That was a cause for the exchange of undiplomatic letters between the President Trajkovski and the leadership of Democratic Alternative. That is why, at this moment, no one can say with certainty what will happen with the "Taiwan case" which was the chief mainstay of foreign policy helmsmen of the Macedonian diplomacy.

The current government coalition has been faced with another, practically insurmountable, problem. The Foreign Ministry is packed with old diplomatic cadres from the times of Social-Democratic Alliance. Those who were appointed to diplomacy as a sinecure for a well-performed party assignments. In an interview given at the beginning of his term (and wish to change things), Foreign Minister Aleksandar Dimitrov rather cynically remarked that he found a violoncello player among the employed "diplomats"!

Changes were impossible to carry out, primarily because of cohabitation with President Gligorov, who was not willing to part company with Ambassadors whom he had sent to the world. Also, "higher interests" had to be taken into account, primarily those of the party: there were too few diplomatic posts and too many candidates. Judging by what has reached the public, there are two opposing streams in the Foreign Ministry: the one advocates the need for professionalism, and the other - party suitability. It seems that the latter are more numerous.

During last year, on various grounds, primarily for belonging to the previous ruling nomenclature but also because of the expired mandate, some fifteen diplomatic missions abroad lost a "boss".

Macedonia has over 30 diplomatic representations on four continents. With most of Asian, African and Latin-American countries diplomatic communications are carried out in the United Nations Headquarters in New York. However, almost for a year certain key diplomatic positions are either vacant or operating with only lower diplomatic cadres. Such is the case with Moscow, UN Headquarters in Geneva, Ankara (which practically covers the entire Near East). For some time the public was entertained by secret-public correspondence between the former Ambassador to the Mission in Geneva, Goce Petreski and his chief Dimitrov. Petreski refused to accept the decree on his release from duty after "only" six years of his term as Ambassador.

Putting on a diplomatic garb seemed to former "reconstructed" ministers as a convenient solution. The name of Radmila Kiprijanova, former Vice Prime-Minister, was mentioned as one of "spectacular" options for Washington, as well as the departure of Dimitar Dimitrov, former Culture Minister, for Sofia, while a true diplomatic delicacy is the rumour that the former Mayor of Tetovo and a convict during the times of Social-Democratic Alliance, Alajdin Demiri will be appointed Ambassador to Bern. Even some of Ministers, who will be removed as victims of the Government's this week's reshuffling, are candidates for diplomatic tailcoat. In short, diplomacy is something as a well-deserved award. Analysts says that, with a few honourable exceptions, no one asks for professional skills.

Even the recent visit of the state-church delegation to Rome showed that the implementation of foreign policy still sounds like an out-of-tune orchestra.

It has become customary for the chief of state and head of the Macedonian Orthodox church to travel every May 24, accompanied by a huge retinue, to the grave of St.Cyril to show their reverence for this great Slav and Macedonian educator. An audience with Pope John Paul II, is
also customary. But, this year a scandal broke: the head of the Macedonian Orthodox Church, Archbishop Stefan and his part of the delegation, remained in their hotel during the audience with the Pope because the Protocol did not provide them with transportation. Archbishop Stefan openly protested and the President of the Republic, Boris Trajkovski, who was leading the state delegation, promised on the spot that he would have the culprits answer for their negligence. Later on, the Ambassador in Rome, Viktor Gaber and Charge d'Affaires in Ljubljana (from which all communications with the Holy See are carried out) paid the piper.

This episode did not go smoothly either. Several sparks flew between the President of the Republic and chief of diplomacy about competences. The recall of an Ambassador falls within the purview of the President of the Republic, while Foreign Minister can revoke Charge d'Affaires. Only the debate on competences directed the public attention to the problem that today, almost a decade after winning its independence, the country actually has no legal provisions which regulate issues in the foreign policy field.

Experts say that regulations of the former SFRY are being applied. Commenting on the Vatican scandal, chief of the diplomatic protocol in the Foreign Affairs Ministry, Petar Jovanovski pointed to the fact that overlapping of competences is a frequent case - there are three protocols: the diplomatic protocol of the Ministry, the Government's protocol and the Assembly's protocol.

New legal provisions that should regulate the functioning of the service that represents the country in the world, are nowhere in sight. Faced with a "pile" of much more pressing laws, the problems in foreign policy sphere, i.e. functioning of the diplomatic service, will remain on the "waiting list". Waiting for better times or new gaffes.

AIM Skopje

ZELJKO BAJIC