Is Marriage of Convenience Breaking Up?

Aim Zagreb, June 26, 2000

Ever since the establishment of the coalition Government of Croatia, consisting of six parties, it was clear and has been confirmed now six month later, that the relations between two parties: Racan's Social-Democratic Party (SDP) and Budisa's Social-Liberals (HSLS) is crucial for its functioning. These are the two largest parties within the one-time opposition block, each of them with a convincing majority in Parliament, which in accordance with the deal they made before the elections, agreed to "admit into the company" other parties from the so called group of six, with which they now have something below two-thirds majority in Parliament.

In other words, SDP and HSLS are the backbone of the coalition Government and the entire new Croatian authorities, not only because of their numerical superiority, but also for the fact that they ideologically shape the politics of these authorities which are considered to be the followers of the predominant or even ruling ideology in the world, the so called "third way".

However, that ideology also brought with it all its contradictions - primarily the fact that it joined together, in a kind of a marriage of convenience, two old historical rivals, liberal capitalism and social-democracy - which got additional accelerators on the Croatian soil.

That is why, from the first days of the new Government, relations between SDP and HSLS were marked by some petty and other less petty frictions. Racan's party, which, as the largest, was the unwritten leader of the coalition six, and favours the concept of the "blending" of parties within the Government, i.e. that the Government should become a kind of supra-party institution, to which its members will subordinated their party interests. Budisa's party agrees with this in principle, because any other concept would disqualify it from the Government, but behaves differently in practice, being of the opinion that by entering the Government parties should not renounce their particular, and in some cases even egocentric, interests.

Thus, for example, from the very outset, as a rule, HSLS openly campaigned for its candidates for leading positions in the Government, management, enterprises, sports clubs, etc. It also took the liberty of behaving quite arbitrarily, often stubbornly regarding the war past (visit of the HSLS delegation to Bleigburg), relation towards defenders from the 1991-1995 war (claiming that the current authorities do not understand their problems), etc. The cherry on the top was the behaviour of Budisa's Liberals at the recent elections for the Zagreb Municipal Assembly and a number of other municipalities in the country. It was said then that this party was aiming at winning a new political space in the centre, which practically meant that it treated its coalition partners as rivals to be beaten at the elections.

That is why the usually restrained Prime Minister Ivica Racan was forced to react, stating that if by their independent activities the SDP's partners endanger the Government's policy, ultimately, his party would be forced to do the same. There were even speculations about holding the extraordinary elections at which SDP would independently seek the voters' confidence and find more reliable and loyal coalition partners. This was followed by Budisa's placatory statements that HSLS was a "hard, but reliable partner" and explanations that this party couldn't renounce its autonomous political stands, but also that it would never be a hindrance, least of all an obstacle, to the Government's work. Nevertheless, soon afterwards this party directed the greatest challenge both to the Government and SDP.

Speaking about Croatian Television for a public opinion poll of the "Jutarnji List" (Morning Paper), Budisa said that HRT "is a mediocre television visibly inclined to toadying to the majority party in the victorious coalition", expressing hope that this situation would be rectified with the election of the "new management". Since all Croatian parties are, one way or the other, fascinated by the importance television, this could be interpreted as a direct challenge to Racan who has been practically accused of usurping the mightiest media instrument in the country, with which he can keep not only the opposition, but also his partners in the coalition, at bay.

Although this was immediately followed by Budisa's claims that he was criticising Television and not SDP, the sparkle did not die but started a small fire which broke out exactly at the expected spots, which means that this conflict already had its well-established matrix. Namely, HSLS accused the "Morning Paper", which is considered close to Racan, for abusing the poll because by publishing Budisa's reply out of context and with two weeks delay, it gave his comment the charge that it did not originally carry. That is why his integral comment was published by "Slobodna Dalmacija" (Free Dalmatia), which is considered close to HSLS, while other media, including HRT, were treated in an off-putting and, perhaps even reserved, manner.

The media were accused of demonising HSLS for months describing it as a crypto-rightist party which is publicly participating in the authorities, while secretly making preparations to rally around itself parties of the right, waiting for the right moment to establish alternative authorities. According to such speculations, HSLS would rally HDZ, Djapic's Party of the Right (HSP), Granic's Party of the Centre (DC), as well as Tomic's Peasants (HSS), as the only party from the current ruling coalition. Angrily, Budisa rejected the idea of making any such combinations, although they seem quite real now.

Firstly, although he once said that he was interested for this party's voters, even he cannot allow himself to form such official coalition with HDZ so soon after its political and moral breakdown. In addition, SDP is capable of somehow patching together parliamentary majority even without HSLS, but if it would really decide to run in the extraordinary elections, it could rely on its new strategic partner - the Croatian Popular Party. It is now barely present in Parliament, but on the wings of the success of Stipe Mesic, its until recent Vice-President, is has significantly grown in the past months and has surely a much higher rating than HSLS.

Therefore, it would be most realistic to assume that Budisa came into conflict with SDP not with the aim of toppling the architecture of the present authorities, among other things because that would backfire on him, but in order to extort concessions pending constitutional amendments which should come before the Parliament this fall. By this changes and, in accordance with the generally accepted platform of transition to parliamentary rule, Racan will grow stronger while Mesic will have to give up some of his authority which will be fixed and protected from noisy disputes, such as the ones going on right now. Only Budisa cannot expect anything from constitutional changes, because he does not hold any state office regulated by the Constitution and that is, perhaps, the reason he is trying to consolidate his position at those political and administrative functions which are not dependent on constitutional amendments.

But, if speculations about Budisa, as a new leader of the right wing parties, are not founded now, it doesn't mean that that wouldn't be the case tomorrow. Anyway, if Budisa has not yet decided to run for that position, others are doing that for him. Recently, referring to the data he supplied, "Free Dalmatia" published a text in which it introduced Vesna Pusic, the HNS President, as granddaughter of Grga Budisav Andjelinovic, who allegedly took part in the stifling of the 1918 rebellion of the Croatian soldiers. In his phone conversation with Ms.Pusic, Budisa denied having anything to do with the text, but did not issue a public denial. He is, perhaps, letting such right-wing denouncing gossip get in full swing in order to be able to control them. And this very much looks like something we have already seen.

Marinko Culic

(AIM)