University of Tetovo

Another Arena for the Albanian Political Skirmishes

The visit of the OSCE High Commissioner for National Minorities Max van der Stuhl to Macedonia and the announcement of his proposed solution for the problem of higher education in the Albanian language in Macedonia only increased the overall confusion. Paradoxical but true - now when the greatest possible degree of agreement has been reached between internal and external factors regarding the resolution of this problem, it is being returned to its starting point - struggle for political points.

AIM Skopje, April 21, 2000

After years of mediation and frequent contacts with both the local regime and the opposition, Max van der Stuhl, OSCE High Commissioner for National Minorities announced his proposal for the resolution of the problem of higher education in the Albanian language at a press conference organised at the end of his three-day visit to Macedonia. In short, Stuhl proposed the establishment of a private university within the Macedonian educational system which would in its initial stages be financed by foreign donors. The instruction would be organised in three languages (Macedonian, Albanian, English) and the university, or "the new institution" as Stuhl calls it, would have two departments: one for teacher training and the other for business management and public administration. No mention was made of the infamous University of Tetovo which has been functioning outside the system for six years now, with constant demands for its legalisation by the state. Stuhl seasoned his proposal by mentioning that a possible solution for the status of students of Tetovo University would be organisation of a kind of state exam they would be obliged to take, while teachers of that university who fulfil the professional criteria would have a possibility to join the new private university.

He stated that he expected to receive the reactions of the Macedonian Government to his proposal by mid May. At the mentioned press conference he also said that representatives of the opposition Albanian Party of Democratic Prosperity (PDP), as well as of the Tetovo University had openly expressed their disagreement with his idea. In other words, it means that the Democratic Party of the Albanians (DPA) which is also in the Government, agreed with his proposal. Actually, with his proposal van der Stuhl has created only confusion which neither the ruling coalition nor the international factor know how to get out of. Why?

First, from the very beginning the ruling coalition did not hide its readiness to finally resolve the problem that persisted for years and greatly burdened inter-ethnic relations. What is more, until van der Stuhl presented his proposal it seemed that the coalition was prepared to give even more than the international community required of it.

Just before Stuhl's arrival to Macedonia, there were numerous signals that the authorities were willing to resolve the problem of higher education in the course of this year. Speaking recently at the session of the Skopje University Senate, professor Belicanec, President of the Expert Commission in charge of drafting the law on higher education stated that all procedures for the public debate about the first draft law would be completed by the end of this month which would make it possible to adopt the law by mid July. But, he also expressed his fear: "If the law is not adopted by this time, I fear that because of the local elections that are scheduled just after this, politics, which abides by no rules, might take control over things. This would start a competition, and in competitions all means are allowed". As far as the use of language in higher education is concerned, this law would treat only the language of instruction, while the issue of official language would be regulated by other laws. In other words, the main problem - the use of non-Macedonian language in higher education - that prevented the adoption of this law for many years has been overcome with this "Catch 22".

This was yet another confirmation that the authorities had no dilemma whether to accept the idea of higher education in the Albanian language and wanted to implement it in practice as soon as possible. Present coalition partners did not hide this from the very start of their cooperation. This demand was one of the key points in DPA's and PDP's joint campaign at parliamentary elections. For years, Vasil Tupurkovski, leader of the Democratic Alternative, claimed that this was a legitimate right of the Albanians. After presidential elections, Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski stated that higher education in the Albanian language was agreed upon at the time when coalition government was formed, so that it was high time to take this issue off the agenda.

If there was general agreement on the need for the soonest possible adoption of legal regulations on higher education in the Albanian language, which has been agreed upon by collation partners who have enough votes in parliament to adopt them, what has slowed down the process?

Ever since it came into being, the coalition has been going through cyclical crises. Most frequently, the protagonists of these crises are the Macedonian partners VMRO-DPMNE and DA. Until now, DA did not take sides although there was an impression that it was closer to VMRO-DPMNE.

In these coalition crises, which inevitably ended in catharsis and renewed inter-coalition sympathies among partners, DPA frequently played the role of saviour. Lately, in their statements the DPA officials have reopened problems with coalition partners placing emphasis on its bad relations with DA. This was the first time that the DPA front men have mentioned the possibility of leaving the Government. That is the sign that coalition is again experiencing a crisis. The situation is further complicated by the VMRO-DPMNE inter-party problems. Elections for its leading bodies were accompanied by numerous incidents and the party has also registered a fall in its rating due to both dissatisfaction with the Government's work, as well as involvement of its prominent party members in shady deals. The cherry on the top was the establishment of a new VMRO which will take many votes away from VMRO-DPMNE.

What does Stuhl's proposal mean? In a way, this proposal is a combination of a college, he has been proposing for a long time, and a new segment (teachers' training) which he has raised to a "higher" level of a "private institution" or a university within the state educational system. The latter is probably offered in order to provide an alibi for DPA which, in case the Government accepts the proposal, could boast of managing to secure a university for the Albanians in the Albanian language. As such, this proposal is more an attempt at taking advantage of the political readiness expressed by Macedonia to resolve the problem, than at developing it further. It even creates greater confusion and is below that which both the Macedonian and Albanian participants in the Government were willing to do in order to resolve this problem, but in a slightly different way.

Future will tell why were projects on higher education in the Albanian language, which were said to have been prepared by DPA, abandoned. In that context, former Minster of Science, Merie Rushani was also mentioned as a key figure in these projects which included ideas on the construction of university campus, preparation of curricula according to Western criteria and with a licence of a leading world university, etc.

There already exist Teacher Training College in Skopje and Teacher's Faculty in Bitolj, at which teaching personnel, for elementary education only, is educated in the Albanian language. They are both part of the state university and are financed by state funds. It seems more feasible to organise instruction for secondary school professors at these institutions of high-learning, in cooperation with other faculties. It would be also easier to secure additional financing from the budget. It is unclear what would be the task of the department for teacher training of this private university. Would it educate personnel for elementary and secondary education, or just for the latter. If it is intended for elementary school teachers that would mean that this private university would be a parallel institution to the existing teacher training faculties, and if it aims at educating secondary school teachers then the question is why was the possibility of financing their education from the budget rejected. In both cases it would be a luxury to simultaneously have both state and private faculty working with the same objective. From the financial point of view it seems as a needless waste of money.

For the higher education of the Albanians it would be much more useful to expand the offered courses of study, even if that would mean the addition of just one more faculty of a different profile. If the plan is to incorporate the existing teacher training faculties into the new private university, would that free the state of all financial obligations it had towards them till now.

Van der Stuhl said that in case his proposal on private university was adopted its instruction would be organised in several languages - first in the Macedonian, Albanian and English and later on in "other languages". This is indirectly connected with the financing - instruction in three languages is undoubtedly more expensive (three teams of teachers and all that goes with it). And again, there is the question of the rational use of funds.

Be that as it may, this places things back where it all started from – the political level, as another opportunity for inter-Albanian party skirmishes. Albanian parties in Macedonia have signed an act on the establishment of university and until now each of them experienced periods of both "love" and "hate". Doing the inherited dirty work, DPA has found itself in the position in which PDP was during Government in which it participated. As for PDP, it has now assumed the role of fervent defender of the Tetovo University and rejects any compromise solution, which was DPA's role while it was in the opposition.

There is also the strongest political potential in this domain – the Tetovo University, its Rector Fadil Sullejmani and students (some 6 to 8 thousand), with their families. Miljaim Fejziu, President of the Tetovo University Senate, has already announced demonstrations in protest against the proposal, while Xhaferi has ironically commented: "Let them protest. After that they will go home, go to bed and dream like people living on a cloud do". He explicitly explained that in contrast to them, he and his party had their feet planted firmly on the ground. To this Fejziu reacted with the following comment: "We have elected you because you promised to legalise the University - we shall replace you just as easily". Local elections are due to be held already this fall.

AIM Skopje

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